- ORDER
FORM | HOME
PAGE
|
UNCONDITIONAL
LOVE IN POLITICS
Or, Have You Hugged a
Republican Today?
Shepherd Hoodwin
September 22,
2004
|
This is a long essay (over
25,000 words) that I felt compelled to write in order to address
things I saw coming up in myself and others that didn't feel good
to me. I expect that it will eventually find a home in an upcoming
book.
I endeavored to be fair to both
the right and left, but since my own world view is progressive,
there is an inevitable tilt to the left in the examples I give.
However, I hope that even if you're more conservative, you will
still find this to be a worthwhile read. It's not about left
versus right, but about what unites us all.
CONTENTS:
THE YIN/YANG SYMBOL
This symbol illustrates the symbiotic
relationship between right and left.
FEMININE AND MASCULINE
The relationship between right and left
parallels the one between masculine and feminine.
THE MICHAEL TEACHINGS
Roles and overleaves help explain
people's draw to the left or right.
SINCERITY
Sincerity is not the same as
truthfulness.
POLITICIANS
Could a politician practice unconditional
love and truth and be successful?
NON-ATTACHMENT
Non-attachment is the key to
unconditional love.
TRUTH
Seeking truth requires effort and a
willingness to set aside preconceptions.
WISDOM
Rules can help keep us out of trouble but
only wisdom can guide us to making the best possible
contribution.
THE SPIRITUAL PATH
It's possible to be both spiritual and
political.
AWAKENING
Humanity is inevitably awakening; we can
choose to make it easier or harder.
PROJECTION
When we face our shadows, we stop
projecting them onto others.
HEALING DIVISIVENESS
Simply listening to those with differing
views is the most energy-efficient way of dealing with
conflict.
RESIST NOT EVIL
Evil cannot be destroyed; it can only be
integrated and healed.
BEYOND DOCTRINE
Doctrine can offer starting points for
looking at the world, but if rigidly adhered to, it blocks
insights.
FREEDOM
We all want freedom; we just see it in
different terms.
CO-CREATING OUR FUTURE
Left and right must work together to
create a better future.
"It is easy to love those who
agree with you. Loving those whose views you strongly disagree
with is a greater challenge. Yet it is the nature of love to
connect from your soul to the soul of all others, without
judgment. When you allow love to be in its natural state within
you, it transcends differences in opinion."
--Michael channeled by Shepherd
Hoodwin
Can there be unconditional love
and truth in politics, or is that an oxymoron? Thus far, it's been
a rare commodity if it's ever been there.
There is good in everyone, and
decent, well-meaning people in every field. However, we live in a
world dense with ignorance, and nowhere is ego and maya (a Hindi
term meaning the illusory nature of the physical plane) thicker
than in politics.
Politics has always been
famously rife with hypocrisy, corruption, secrecy, greed, lies,
etc. Today in the U.S., it is especially divisive, with both
parties increasingly disparaging the other harshly and often
unfairly, and more and more citizens taking sides. It has always
been a minefield rivaling religion, and people have always liked
to think that God shares their political views. However, now that
fundamentalist religion has become so intertwined with it,
politics is particularly full of charged emotions and defensive
"I'm right, you're wrong" postures.
Recently, this divisiveness has
been widely discussed--it seems that we are collectively becoming
uncomfortable with it and are trying to find our way to a new
modus operandi.
THE YIN/YANG SYMBOL

In the yin/yang symbol, the
masculine and feminine are shown as being two aspects of one
whole, with each being the core of the other. This illustrates the
relationship of all true opposites. The political left and right
are similarly two aspects of one whole, not separate entities.
Seeing them in a circle demonstrates their interdependent
relationship, how they swirl into and anchor one another, and how
one cannot exist without the other. Progressivism can be expansive
without flying away because conservatism anchors it; conservatism
can be stable without stagnating because progressivism challenges
it to grow. Each is relative to the other. Conservatism is like
the roots of a plant; progressivism is like the foliage. If
they're seen in a linear rather than circular way, they are still
two ends of the same stick. Opposites fighting each other is like
our right and left legs working against each other; how much
better when they complement each other--then we can move
forward.
Another analogy is the brain's
left and right hemispheres. Some people are more right-brained,
some are more left-brained, and some are balanced. However, all
people can benefit from better integrating their right and left
brains, allowing for a free exchange of information between them
so that the brain as a whole can function more effectively. The
political left and right can also benefit from integration.
Extremes result when one side tries to function without being
balanced by the other; they require excluding a large part of
reality. Extremes distort; the path of evolution is one of
integrating opposites and thereby reducing extremes.
Paradoxically, opposite
extremes are similar to each other, and the yin/yang symbol shows
why. In politics, fascism is the extreme right and communism is
the extreme left. They are arch-enemies, but both are oppressive
in their totalitarianism. Far-right radicals sometimes adopt the
tactics of the far left, and vice versa. The extreme right moves
into the left, just as the extreme masculine (the "tail" of the
white half of the yin/yang symbol) moves into the feminine (the
dark half). If a person tries to move away from the feminine by
becoming hyper-masculine, he tends to meet the feminine again on
the other side. For instance, highly aggressive men sometimes
become highly submissive in the bedroom in an effort to balance
themselves and find relief from their extremity. A majority of
male cross-dressers are heterosexual, and many are macho in their
usual persona. People into BDSM (bondage and discipline,
sadomasochism) often switch roles. Bullies sometimes become
crybabies when they go off the deep end, and victims sometimes
commit violence when they can't take it anymore.
The yin/yang symbol represents
the whole, including both sides; to be whole individually, we need
to honor both sides within us. Collectively, we need the best of
both the right and left to be whole and to move forward
constructively. The truth is a collection of all individual
truths, assembled in proper proportion; we need everyone's truths
to make up the truth.
In our house-divided state,
both right and left tend to paper over or leave out important
facts that don't support their arguments--neither side is whole.
There's an unwillingness to grant the other any points, to give
credit where it is due. If we're open-minded and value truth and
fact over doctrine and partisanship, we can find points of
agreement with those in other camps and come closer to assembling
a true and complete picture.
It can be simplistic to
classify people's political perspectives as being either right or
left. Like other stereotypes, this generality works part of the
time, but people who think expansively aren't likely to have such
easily classified views. Even people who are heavily left- or
right-brained still use the other side. Left/right seen as a line
looks like either/or, differing only by extremity, but as a
yin/yang relationship, it looks less cut-and-dried; every point
within the circle has a different, complex relationship to the
whole. Much "us vs. them" conflict could be neutralized if we
switched from a linear to a holistic yin/yang paradigm (way of
looking at things).
I try to approach each issue
thoughtfully, weighing the facts, but most of my views fit within
the progressive framework.
(That's also true of most
of my friends and most new agers in general.) However, some of my
views concerning personal freedom might be considered radical and
agree with the Libertarians (for example, I don't believe in drug
laws, the draft, or compulsory jury duty), although, in general,
Libertarians are right-wing and voted for Bush in 2000. I can also
agree in my own way with some basic Republican tenets such as
leaner government that is fiscally responsible and more efficient.
(All those who are for inefficient, wasteful, and spendthrift
government, raise your hands.)
Still, for convenience, let's
look at the political landscape in the simple terms of a linear
left-right spectrum, and explore some metaphysical and
psychological factors involved in why someone may fall
predominantly right or left. Of course, many people are in the
center, but we can view that as a combination of
factors.
FEMININE AND
MASCULINE
The most obvious influences in
our political orientation are our imprinting (how we were raised),
life history, and circumstances. People raised Republican or
Democrat are more likely to stay that way than to change. Someone
who feels he unfairly lost out on a promotion due to Affirmative
Action might vote Republican; someone who lost his job due to
outsourcing might vote Democratic. We tend to move right when we
become more affluent and want to conserve our gains, and left when
times get tough. We tend to move right when the world seems
chaotic and we seek stability, and left when it seems stifling.
However, there are many other less-tangible factors.
For one thing, right/left is
roughly parallel to male/female. Men are more likely to lean right
than women. The masculine is more about picking yourself up by
your bootstraps, overcoming, taking aggressive action, etc., and
those are also conservative themes. The left is more aligned with
the feminine, which is about succoring, nurturing, creating
atmosphere, etc. Obviously, we need a balance of both in politics
and in life in general.
All creation, from physical
reproduction to the expansion of consciousness, involves the
interplay of masculine and feminine: masculine vitality (sperm)
catalyzes the feminine's vision (egg) to develop; when it is
ready, the masculine delivers it into stable form (birth).
Together, the feminine nurtures and the masculine guides it into
maturity (child-rearing).
Every energy can manifest
constructively or destructively; in the Michael teachings (a
channeled body of metaphysical information about how we, as souls,
set up our lifetimes) we speak of traits having positive and
negative poles. In their positive poles, the masculine and
feminine serve each other; in their negative poles, they war. In
their positive poles, the feminine radiates possibility, which the
masculine grounds through right action; both are strong because
they are centered in the divine (the whole). In their negative
poles, the masculine is a bully and the feminine is a victim; both
are weak because they are self-centered, wrapped up in their own
ego agendas and therefore cut off from the whole. We each have
both male and female energies that we can draw upon as needed, and
we each experience both positive and negative poles.
Humanity is not yet mature,
mentally, emotionally, or spiritually. Therefore, history has
swung between matriarchy and patriarchy, with one usually
dominating the other rather than there being balance and
integration. Whichever side has too much power, because it is not
adequately balanced by the other, becomes corrupt and out of
control. Our society has been in a long-term cycle of patriarchy.
Political cycles that swing
between left and right are much shorter. The right is currently
heavily dominant in the U.S., gleefully in its negative poles,
trudging with hobnailed boots through flower beds and telling the
left to get over it, sounding like a stereotypical arrogant male
"jerk." The left took it for a while, being a victim, sometimes
compliant, sulking, or complaining, but it has become increasingly
angry and hostile. Just as the right has dismissed the left as
weak, bleeding-hearted, and lily-livered, the left is starting to
dismiss the right as "they're all just a bunch of jerks and we
should get rid of them," sounding like early feminism. (It's no
accident that the U.S. was more liberal in the heyday of
feminism.)
Some right-wing talk radio
hosts strike me as bullies, and many people abroad currently view
the U.S., and the Bush Administration in particular, as a bully.
Like Gore before him, Kerry is running a cautious, defensive
campaign, to some degree embodying the victim: he reacts rather
than setting the tone. Only a victim is defensive. Sometimes
defensiveness is defiant, but that's not the same as owning our
masculine power and taking the lead, nor is it radiating
possibilities, the positive feminine (sometimes referred to as the
Goddess). This is a lesson that many women are working
on.
Not all those on the left
dominantly embody the feminine, not do all those on the right
embody the masculine. Perhaps Gore endorsed Howard Dean earlier
this year because he began to recognize the negative-pole-feminine
weakness of his own campaign and saw Dean not making his mistakes;
however, Dean embodies another version of the negative pole
masculine: the bulldog-angry fighter. John Kennedy continues to
inspire Democrats because, whatever his private life or actual
accomplishments were, he was a symbol of the positive-pole
masculine: strong, centered, and kind.
Kerry has been trying to sell
the American people on his macho strength, but he hasn't been
entirely convincing because he is doing it in reaction to the
right's attacks, and reaction is negative-pole feminine behavior.
Also, he is trying to beat the right at their forte rather than
emphasizing his, which might be described as creating a vision and
imbuing it in the American psyche. Modern Democratic Presidents
each did this to some degree, but it's hard to think of a
Republican other than Reagan who did; Bush, Sr., was especially
plagued by the "vision thing," the perception that he lacked
vision. The Republican Presidencies have been more characterized
by providing a sense of stability and safety, which they can be
good at.
In a growth cycle, there is
what might be called the progressive phase in which the growth
visibly manifests as an upward surge, and then a conservative
phase, a period of stabilization and preparation for the next
upward spurt. The progressive phase brings changes that are
integrated during the conservative phase--we have to get used to
and comfortable with the new ways of being, learning how they work
and taking a breather from the stress of change. Nonstop upward
movement would be disorienting and ungrounding; nonstop stability
would be stagnating and boring. We tend to choose more
progressive, visionary Presidents during surges, and more
conservative, stabilizing ones during integrations.
Middle-of-the-road Presidents like Clinton have had significant
elements of both: his instinct to track with public opinion kept
his progressive side from dominating. President Johnson was highly
progressive domestically but conservative relative to Viet
Nam.
Eisenhower was a reassuring
presence during the height of the Cold War, after the tremendous
changes of the FDR era. However, he lacked the vision to speak out
against Joe McCarthy's bullying--the negative side of stability is
not rocking the boat.
During the Eisenhower years,
people were terrified of the Soviets and nuclear war; today,
people are terrified of terrorism. Fear causes us to cling to
perceived safety and leaves us vulnerable to manipulation by
bullies who repress freedom in the name of preserving it. McCarthy
"defended the American way" by chilling free speech, silencing
critics by making them fear for their livelihood if he cast them
as un-American. Bush similarly froze free speech by casting his
critics as being for terrorism, and restricted freedom with the
Patriot Act. He explained 9/11 as the act of people who hate our
freedom; perhaps he was projecting. His off-the-cuff joke in
Congress that it would be easier if he were a dictator may have
been a Freudian slip. Most people want freedom for themselves but
not necessarily for others: letting others have the maximum
possible choice may cause things to go in a direction one doesn't
like, and may seem too chaotic.
Fear freezes us. It took time
for a critical mass of Americans to finally revolt against
McCarthy, as it later did relative to Viet Nam. Since the trauma
of 9/11, many Americans who haven't felt comfortable with the
Iraqi war have been hesitant to question it or speak out against
it. However, we are slowly coming out of our frozen shock, and the
left is rallying to try to balance the right and stop its
abuses.
History shows us that the "red
under every bed" threat advertised by the McCarthyites was false,
whether or not they sincerely believed it. America was not in
danger of being taken over by Communists or by those in Hollywood
who had briefly joined the Communist Party during the Depression
in a fashionable pique of misguided idealism. Similarly, the fall
of Viet Nam did not have a major domino effect, and the Iraqi
threat advertised by the Bush Administration was false, whether or
not they believed it. Being governed by fear is never useful
anyway; we can take intelligent precautions without being
motivated by fear. Only by honestly facing our inner demons that
exaggerate dangers can we break free of fear's control.
THE MICHAEL
TEACHINGS
In addition to the male/female
polarity, the different perspectives of the roles (soul types) in
the Michael teachings can help us understand the right and left,
and avoid jumping to conclusions about other people's motivations.
People really do operate differently, rightly so. (See
http://summerjoy.com/JourneyWhatsYourRole.html for an introduction
to the Michael teachings.)
We refer to warriors, kings,
and scholars as the solid roles because they have a more solid
feel to them. They have a low frequency, in the sense that their
energy vibrates relatively slowly, like a low musical pitch. They
resonate more with the earth than the sky, so they tend to be more
grounded--"down-to-earth" can be used almost literally to describe
them. Sages and servers are mid-frequency roles. Priests and
artisans are high frequency; they have an airier quality, and are
more likely to be visionaries and dreamers. We refer to the latter
four as the fluid roles.
Each soul also has an
individual frequency independent of its role; there are some
relatively low-frequency, grounded, "laid-back" artisans, and some
relatively high-frequency, fast-vibrating, "out-there," warriors.
Still, every warrior has a fundamental earthy, solid feeling, and
every artisan, an airier, lighter feeling.
What is more solid is also
slower or more resistant to change. Conservatives, by definition,
also resist change--they want to conserve things as they are (or
make them again as they were). Some resistance to change is
necessary--it's like the tread on tires that resists sliding off
the road in random directions. If there were only progressives,
things might change faster than people could integrate.
So the solid roles (which are
also considered masculine) tend to be more drawn to the right, and
the fluid roles (considered feminine), to the left--the archetypes
of right and solid, and left and fluid are roughly parallel. Of
course, there are numerous individual exceptions, especially among
scholars, who tend to be intellectually analytical and align with
the argument that is most convincing to them.
It also depends on whether we
go with our tendencies or seek to balance them. Artisans, for
example, who tend to live with a lot of flux, would naturally
gravitate to the left because it embraces change. However, an
artisan who feels off-balance might go to the right because it
offers an anchoring sense of safety. Conversely, warriors are the
most grounded of the roles and have a natural affinity with the
stable right, but might be attracted to the left for some
excitement or a cause for which to fight.
Clinton is a sage and Kerry is
an artisan; those are the two expression-axis roles. Bush is
probably a scholar (the assimilation-axis role), although he's not
stereotypical--according to my channeling, his scholarliness is
masked by aphasia due to an early head injury and substance abuse,
and being in the physical part of the moving center (he's centered
in his body rather than his intellect). Cheney and Ashcroft look
like warriors; warriors and kings are the action-axis roles.
Scholars and warriors are a classic combination, so Bush aligning
with Cheney and Ashcroft is not surprising. (There isn't always
agreement on celebrity roles and overleaves among Michael
channels; I present here what seems right to me.)
Scholars, warriors, and kings
are one-input roles, meaning that they're more focused--they
receive and process one piece of information at a time, as opposed
to five for artisans and three for sages, who are more diffuse.
The solid roles are inherently simpler people, with fewer moving
parts, you might say. On the other hand, no soul type is more
complex than artisans, and sages come in second, because of their
multiple inputs--a lot goes on in them at the same
time.
Warriors and kings especially,
but also scholars, tend to have a more black-and-white view of
life, including what constitutes integrity and loyalty ("You
either supported me or you didn't.") Their view is like digital
information: it's either a 1 or a 0. They tend to see artisans and
sages as being slippery, which is also the Republicans' common
accusation of Democrats.
The expression roles, on the
other hand, see themselves as being flexible and appreciating
subtleties lost to the more black-and-white action roles, which is
the defense of Kerry against those who accuse him of waffling.
Artisans' motto might be Emerson's quote: "A foolish consistency
is the hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen and
philosophers...." Their view is like analog information,
consisting of continuous variation. The expression axis is home to
the intellectual center. The intellect can both obfuscate and
illuminate. A subtle intellect can understand how apparently
contradictory ideas can both be true.
Some people come off better in
private, among friends, than in public, and with others, it's the
opposite. Artisans are a highly ordinal role, meaning that they
focus on the immediate and mundane; unlike sages, who are
cardinal, they don't often seek the spotlight and aren't that
comfortable in it. (Scholars are neither ordinal nor cardinal, and
can go either way.) Artisans tend to be introverted and shy,
preferring a few close one-on-one relationships. Kerry must have
other traits and a life task that impel him into the public eye,
but clearly it's not easy for him. There have been artisan
Presidents, such as Ford and probably Carter. The sage Presidents,
such as Clinton, Reagan, and FDR, were more natural campaigners.
Kerry's highly saturnian body type also contributes to his
stiffness. It makes the bones prominent, without softness, and can
impart a paternalistic, disciplined, and severe quality. Being so
tall can give an impression of aloofness, being above it all, and
artisans tend to be aloof anyway.
Bush, on the other hand, has
become a skillful and charming public speaker. However, there have
been insider reports that his private behavior has become
increasingly unhinged.
Seeing leaders in terms of
their roles alone isn't foolproof. Ronald Reagan was a sage, too
("the Great Communicator" could describe many sages). He started
out as a Democrat, but by the time he was Governor of California,
he was set as a conservative Republican; still, his switch perhaps
demonstrates the increased mutability of the expression-axis
roles. Tough guy conservatives Arnold Schwarzenegger and Clint
Eastwood (mayor of Carmel, CA) are artisans, albeit with some
warrior traits. Of course, all three came to politics via
Hollywood, a magnet for the expression roles that has a number of
other conservatives, such as Mel Gibson and NRA President
Charleton Heston, although there are more liberals.
Gore is probably a scholar, yet
he was tarred by the same brush as Clinton, as being slippery,
partly by reason of his association with him. John Edwards is also
a scholar, probably with some artisan traits.
We are all complex. Knowing a
person's full Michael teachings profile, including secondary role
traits and overleaves, in addition to astrological and other
factors, might shed more light. The information here isn't meant
to be cut-and-dried; it just points to tendencies.
In addition, explicating
someone's tendencies in metaphysical terms doesn't imply that
criticisms aren't valid. We all can go too far in one direction.
Simplicity can be a virtue, but being too black-and-white isn't.
Likewise, subtlety can be a virtue, but being wishy-washy isn't.
Balance in all things.
According to the Michael
teachings, each of us has an attitude, or intrinsic way of viewing
life. I have a Libertarian friend who emails me conservative
columns. Like many conservative talk show hosts, these writers
tend see themselves as iconoclasts, champions of the hard truth
that others don't want to face, and they get off on smashing
illusions, as they see them. They tend to ridicule those who don't
agree with them. They make some valid points, but the underlying
caustic anger and smug self-righteousness often distorts them.
It's reminiscent of denigration, the negative pole of the cynic
attitude. My friend is a cynic, so that is probably part of why
he's attracted to these writers. Cynics have an acidic quality.
The positive pole is contradiction: cynics are tire-kickers who
test things for soundness.
There's plenty of
self-righteousness on the left, too, although it comes more from
the anger of victims or of sympathy for them--those on the
receiving end of raw deals. It lines up more with the skeptic
attitude, whose negative pole is suspicion. There seem to be more
conspiracy theories on the left, for example. Skeptics have a
rigorous quality. The positive pole is investigation; skeptics ask
a lot of questions.
Skeptic and cynic are the two
attitudes in the Michael teachings (out of seven total) that are
argumentative. Both can be curmudgeonly. Skeptic is a more
intellectual attitude--like the high-frequency artisan role, it's
on the same side of the same axis as the intellectual center.
Cynic lines up with the physical center--it comes from the guts;
it lines up with the low-frequency warrior role. The left tends to
be more intellectual, and the right, more earthy; the only modern
Republican President who was known for his intellect was Richard
Nixon.
The Michael teachings delineate
five soul ages through which we progress on the physical plane:
infant, baby, young, mature, and old. These roughly parallel human
development: newborn, toddler, youngster, adolescent, and
college-age young adult. The younger cycles (infant, baby, and
young) focus outwardly; the older cycles (mature and old) focus
inwardly.
The right tends to be younger
souled, and the left, older souled, although, again, this is by no
means cut-and-dried--it would be a mistake to assume that there
are no old-soul Republicans (or that the older perspective is more
correct or better). Also, many people manifest younger than their
actual soul age, in some areas or in general, so a mature or old
soul could manifest baby or young relative to politics.
The younger cycles are about
increasingly developing individuality, knowing ourselves
separately from the whole; the young cycle is the apex of
separateness. We begin in the infant cycle already connected with
the whole, but not yet as conscious, fully formed individuals; our
sense of self is somewhat amorphous, like that of a newborn. The
baby cycle is about community, with an emphasis on conforming to
it, beginning to take an individual shape by taking on the shape
of the community. It is an outward/in process of being imprinted.
Not all baby souls are conformists--for example, kings at any soul
age are less like to conform than to imprint others--but there is
a tendency to go along with the crowd, since that fits with their
lessons.
The young cycle completes the
individuation. Its motto is "Do it my way." or "Let me apply
myself to this situation." as it learns to impact its environment.
Because it emphasizes success in the outer world, especially
through career, many leaders are young souls or are manifesting
young; they tend to have the drive, energy, and discipline to get
to the top. Especially in a late young-soul country like the U.S.,
politics tends to be a young soul game.
John Kennedy, a young king,
brought idealistic young-soul "vigor" to helping those in other
countries through the Peace Corps, illustrating the positive pole
of the young cycle. In the selfish negative pole, it's "every man
for himself," and young-souls impose themselves on
others.
Similar to younger soul
individuation, the right emphasizes rugged individualism. In the
positive pole, it helps those who are less fortunate attain
strength and self-sufficiency--that's what "compassionate
conservatism" would mean in practice. In the negative pole, the
right is consumed with greed and doesn't care about
others.
The older cycles are about
integrating that newly won individuation into the larger whole,
knowing ourselves within its context. In the mature cycle, we
integrate locally, with our community, however we define it. In
the old cycle, we integrate universally, with the whole, seeking
connection with all life. As infant souls, we blend with the whole
unconsciously, like a drop of water in the ocean; as old souls, we
blend consciously, being aware of our connection.
The mature cycle's community
orientation is inward/out rather than outward/in: it's about
impacting the community through developing and expressing
ourselves within it, e.g., through the arts. Mature soul
cooperation is about internal process, such as building consensus
about what rules we'll live by. Baby soul cooperation emphasizes
outer form, such as having a bake sale to support the church. The
young cycle doesn't tend to emphasize cooperation beyond "I'll pat
your back if you'll pat mine." Its impact on the world focuses on
external form rather than internal content. All these stages of
development are needed; for example, if we tried to build a mature
soul inner life without having first built a young soul outer
structure, it would collapse. It would be like trying to drywall a
house without having finished framing.
Like the older cycles, the left
is more concerned with connection than separation. Its emphasis on
social programs parallels the mature cycle's desire to help
empower each community member so that the community can progress
together. The left's environmentalism resonates with old souls'
desire to harmonize with all life, although even positive-pole
young souls can appreciate the value of an unspoiled environment.
Teddy Roosevelt, a young warrior and staunch individualist,
protected millions of acres of wilderness.
Incidentally, communism is a
mature soul idea that has largely been applied by young and baby
soul leaders who turned it into totalitarianism. It's not a very
workable idea anyway, because it doesn't take into account human
nature, but the mature cycle tends to be experimental with ways of
ordering society. Utopian communities often have a mature-soul
cast to them.
SINCERITY
Those on the right tend to see
Bush as a moral straight-shooter; those on the left tend to see
him a moralistic, macho corporate puppet.
Those on the left tend to see
Kerry, like Gore and Clinton before him, as intelligent and
flexible; those on the right tend to see him as an opportunistic
waffler.
There are shades of gray on
both sides. Giving Bush the benefit of the doubt, he is probably
sincere by his own lights (if highly unconscious)--most people
are. However, so are Clinton, Gore, and Kerry; in fact, they seem
to have genuinely high ideals of service, whatever their failings
might be.
It's also fair to say that
Kerry, like Clinton, Gore, and most other politicians, lacks
backbone to some degree and has sometimes changed his tune, not
merely to respond to changing circumstances or new information but
also according to what they thought people wanted to hear, to win
support. However, so has Bush--he's changed his tune many
times--although being more solid, it's easier for people to
believe he's consistent.
Most people agree that Clinton
shouldn't have lied about Monica Lewinsky (although many on the
left feel that it was unimportant and no one else's business to
begin with). However, Clinton certainly isn't the first President
to lie--most probably have--and his lies were probably not much
different in essence from Bush's cover-ups about his DUI, drug
abuse, and military service. Bush refused to answer questions
about his alleged cocaine addiction rather than outright lying,
but that's not the same as telling the truth about it. Since there
are a number of people (especially among poor minorities) doing
prison time for the same thing, this is significant. His
contentions that he fulfilled his military service have so far not
been backed by evidence (some relevant records were "accidentally"
destroyed) and appear to be lies.
Many people who tell falsehoods
are not deliberately lying, at least, not consciously. Those who
have not faced their blind spots with rigorous honesty can have
some skewed and strange interpretations of events and can get the
facts spectacularly wrong--our minds can be ingenious at
rationalizing when we don't wish to take responsibility; we
believe what we want to believe. Some people make things up and
don't realize they're doing so, which is one source of rumors and
urban legends. Many pass along falsehoods they've heard from
others without checking them for accuracy, or blindly believe
superstitions that have no basis in reality. There are those who
have committed heinous crimes who are so fragmented that they are
able to convince themselves that they didn't do it. In addition,
all of us sometimes have plain faulty memory.
Falsehoods permeate politics. A
number are consciously deliberate, but when people tell a lie
often enough, they may start to believe it themselves. Certainly
those who hear it often enough begin to believe it if they don't
take the trouble to verify it. Behind many lies is the idea that
the end justifies the means, that it's right for a certain
candidate to win at all costs. One cost of falsehoods, especially
those that are deliberate, is self-diminishment: person who
spreads them turns himself into a liar; another is the
diminishment of the whole political landscape: we elect people and
collectively act based on lies. Ethically, those who need to lie
or mislead in order to win shouldn't win. Such people certainly
don't believe in democracy if they aren't willing to let people
choose based on the truth. Unfortunately, it is not uncommon for
both sides to mislead.
No matter how sincerely we hold
them, falsehoods are not truth. We each have a responsibility to
be honest with ourselves and others, check our facts, and not jump
to conclusions. Still, it's probably not fair to call someone a
liar if her facts are incorrect but she doesn't consciously know
it. However, what if someone has a vague suspicion in the back of
her mind that her facts might be shaky but ignores it, like those
who mindlessly repeat the party line in the face of hard
questions, willfully refusing to examine other information? Most
of us consider lying to be of the deliberate variety--is that
deliberate enough to qualify?
In any case, it's not possible
to go inside someone's mind and know with certainty that she was
deliberately lying; we can only go by the evidence, which may be
inconclusive. When we think that someone has uttered a falsehood,
it's usually safer to assume that it's not a deliberate lie. There
are plenty of deliberate liars, in and out of politics, but far
more who sincerely tell falsehoods (which can cause just as much
damage). Calling someone a liar is likely to engender
defensiveness and may not be useful, even if it's true; the point
may be to just set the record straight.
Clinton's lies about Lewinsky
turned out to be bald-faced, by his own admission; Bush's about
WMDs in Iraq may not have been, but if the administration pushed
intelligence agencies to tell them what they wanted to hear and
then sincerely presented compromised information as being solid,
was it less egregious for being more self-deception than
bald-faced lies? Which damaged the world more?
Here's a possible scenario that
gives the administration some benefit of the doubt: Key members
were obsessed with Hussein and utterly convinced he still had
WMDs, despite the U.N. inspections, and were impatient to go after
him, perhaps terrified of another 9/11. They may have sincerely
presented their beliefs to the public, but were blinded by their
obsession and weren't being honest with themselves about the real
evidence. Those who are not honest with themselves cannot be
honest with others; those who can't separate themselves from their
biases in favor of the truth are bound to make many such errors.
The problem is a lack of consciousness and self-awareness, not
necessarily a lack of sincerity.
Similarly, media demagogues may
sincerely believe what they're saying, but without self-knowledge
of their motivations, they're oblivious to the ways in which their
shadows distort their perceptions and cause them to mislead
others. Throughout history, there have been people who sincerely
believed that slavery was God's will, that women were property,
that Jews should be exterminated, and so forth. There is often
great resistance to letting go of pet prejudices. For example,
many Christian fundamentalists persist in repeating ridiculous
falsehoods about homosexuality in the face of sound, sensible,
easily obtained knowledge that refutes them.
A behind-the-scenes documentary
about the recent political conventions showed both parties having
squads monitoring the other, ready to pounce on what they
considered to be lies. Both sides were utterly convinced that the
other was made up of liars. Both sides thought they had a monopoly
on truth, and neither seemed to take time to consider if there was
any validity to the other's statements--the goal was simply to
shoot them down as quickly as possible. What's wrong with this
picture?
The documentary showed a clip
from the Republicans' reply to "Fahrenheit 9/11," a montage of
excerpts from various Kerry speeches they thought illustrated his
"flip-flopping" about Iraq. (They played the theme song from the
60s television show "Flipper" in the background.) I didn't see
flip-flopping in those excerpts; obviously, those who compiled it
saw them differently.
We each inevitably interpret
(and often misinterpret) what we hear through our unique filter.
When the same general set of facts are observed, which ones we
think are important and which we ignore has a lot to do with the
conclusions we draw. Sometimes that is derived from what we want
or expect to see, but more fundamental is our habitual way of
viewing the world. Often, we interpret what others do and say
based on "If I had done that, such-and-such would have been my
motivation," not understanding that others might "tick"
differently than we do. As with Rorschach inkblots, the way we
interpret can say a lot about us.
Therapists who work with
couples often have the partners repeat what they think the other
said, giving each a chance to set the record straight. This is
necessary because our interpretations can be so off-base. I am
sometimes astounded at what others think I said or wrote, no
matter how clear I thought I was (and having it in writing is no
guarantee we'll be understood.) The problems of human
communication are multiplied in politics, where there can be
millions of people involved, each with his own filter.
Let's suppose that we are
fortunate enough to have a competent candidate who puts
unconditional love first, and in an interview, she happens to
mention that she tries to practice kindness. A sizeable number of
fearful people would be likely to hear that as "I wouldn't use
force when it was needed." even though elsewhere she said that she
would and had demonstrated it through her votes. (People make
leaps like this all the time.) If predictable, her opponent would
then tout her as weak to seize the advantage, even though, in
fact, she is quite strong. It would be an uphill battle to set the
record straight, taking time away from discussing the real issues.
She would lose the election based on a falsehood that started
because some people could not conceive of a kind person also being
strong and decisive. Through the "miracle" of political spin,
kindness is now a bad thing.
No wonder politicians package
themselves so carefully (and phonily)--it's a matter of survival.
Kerry's mere use of the word "sensitivity" got him in trouble
(even though Bush used it, too) when Cheney took it out of
context. Communication is nearly impossible when others react to
individual words rather than the whole of what is said. Candidates
can constantly censor themselves to avoid possible distortions,
but those intent on distorting will find a way regardless. It's
probably better for them to speak their minds and set the record
straight as necessary. If the media consistently called candidates
on distortions, they would probably stick to the facts more. For
example, they might have shown, back to back, footage of the
Kerry, Cheney, and Bush comments on sensitivity.
The debate over who's more
sincere misses the point: The Presidency is probably the most
challenging, difficult job there is. It takes far more than being
a sincere, nice person to be a good President: intelligence,
integrity, vision, wisdom, maturity, depth, groundedness,
strength, and so forth, are also valuable assets in leadership.
Voting for someone simply because he seems more likeable or has
charm doesn't take into account the whole person. It is also
naive, since people's public personas can be carefully
manufactured to look different from who they really are. Unlikable
traits such as a foul temper may be well hidden. A candidate's
consciousness--what he's conscious of, and what he's not (which is
more than just his positions on issues)--can help tell us if he is
likely to do a good job; being sincere but off-base due to a lack
of consciousness isn't much help. We can evaluate that more from
his unscripted comments, anecdotes about him from people who know
him, and what he's actually done, than from his speeches and
commercials. In other words, it takes more than sound bites to get
a feel for candidates.
POLITICIANS
Being sincere and practicing
unconditional love are two different things. Could a politician
who practices unconditional love be elected? Someone who doesn't
play the negative games, who is scrupulously fair, kind, and wise,
who is straightforward and doesn't spin or obfuscate?
It is said that we get the
leaders we deserve. They reflect our consciousness, the values we
actually hold, not necessarily those to which we pay lip service.
Petty politics on the grand scale mirrors the petty politics in
our offices, schools, families, and other institutions.
Many of us do the best we can,
but because we live under a thick blanket of human
unconsciousness, we tend to have a lot of blind spots, and it can
take a great deal of inner work to overcome them. At our current
level of evolution, rarely do we objectively seek the truth
without an ax to grind, rarely do we seek to see the whole picture
that transcends our self-interests or personal hurts, or examine
our biases and put them aside for the greater good. Therefore,
rarely do our politicians. There are some altruistic ones, but
they generally "get eaten for lunch," or end up compromising their
values to survive.
To be fair, being a politician
isn't easy. Politicians have to balance their own views with the
demands of the electorate, and it is easy to fall into trying to
be all things to all people. There are usually hard compromises to
be made; rarely does one get to vote for the ideal, but must
instead often choose from the lesser of evils, requiring the
wisdom of Solomon. With all the demands on their time, keeping
well-informed can be a challenge. They can quickly become a
lightning rod for a touchy public, and must walk a fine
line.
It's a positive development
that we have less tolerance for racist and other mean-spirited,
inappropriate remarks. Although "political correctness," like
anything else, can be taken to an extreme, its spirit is to
increase respect for all people. On the other hand, although we
support free speech in theory, we seem to be unable to shrug off
frank, reasoned yet impolite or controversial statements. Instead
of simply saying "She's entitled to her opinion" and dropping it,
a tempest in a teapot sometimes ensues, and there are many ready
to pounce on any statement they can distort into political
capital. We claim to want honest politicians, but if they say what
they really think too much, they're out. So they learn to be
guarded, talking in that annoyingly canned, general, and evasive
way. Similarly, the mainstream media have become increasingly
bland and afraid to stick their necks out, to the point of not
doing their job and questioning the questionable. Ironically, this
allows those in power to get away with some truly outrageous
statements and actions as long as they package them
smoothly.
After 9/11, President Bush
called the perpetrators cowards. It occurred to me that whatever
they were, they weren't cowards; after all, they took their own
lives along with many others, not something a coward would do.
Maybe it was picayunish to quibble over a word choice, but it's
interesting that when "Politically Incorrect" host Bill Maher said
the same thing, he was crucified in the media and lost his
job.
It might be possible for
practitioners of unconditional love to be successful politicians,
but it would require extraordinary wisdom and internal balance to
navigate the mine fields. They would be more likely to be
successful, and to be elected in the first place, if there was
more unconditional love in the populace to change the atmosphere
and vote them in--like attracts like. Therefore, the more relevant
issue for those of us who are not candidates is how we can be more
unconditionally loving and bring that quality into often-heated
political discussions and activism.
We tend to associate
unconditional love with being sugary and uncritical, but we can be
kind and compassionate and, at the same time, call a spade a
spade--it's a matter of how we do it. A key is to fairly criticize
actions and policy without attacking or denigrating people. In
politics, most people are more concerned with winning points than
being fair. Some candidates win points by belittling their
opponents in ways their supporters find humorous. Their opponents
had better be quick with a good comeback, but this kind of
nastiness dumbs down political discussion to a high school level;
one can almost hear a jock making fun of a nerd while the crowd
snickers. (Reagan's famous putdown of Carter comes to mind: "There
he goes again.")
It was gratifying that at the
Democratic convention people were encouraged not to allow their
anger to degenerate into mean-spirited attacks. Perhaps it was
part of their strategy, feeling that a more positive campaign
would sell better to undecided voters. Still, it was a step in the
right direction.
NON-ATTACHMENT
A fact of life is that most of
us assume that our perceptions are right most of the time. If we
didn't start with the assumption of the basic correctness of our
views, life would be too disorienting. Thinking we know what's
what, even if our beliefs are excessively narrow and limiting,
anchors us, keeping us from falling into the abyss of the
universe's enormity. The more secure we are, the more doubt we can
handle about our views of reality, but we each have a limit. This
is true of both the solid and fluid roles, even though the latter
have a more fluid view of reality to begin with (especially
artisans).
However, part of the spiritual
path is the recognition that we are eternal, unlimited beings. We
inhabit a mind/body unit, but we aren't that. We have thoughts and
feelings but we are not them. We are not our opinions--how could
we be if we're able to change them?
This awareness of our true
identity allows us to let go of excessive attachment to our
opinions so that when others disagree with them, we don't feel
that they have disagreed with who we are. It also allows us to see
others as being more than their opinions, so that we can love them
even if we perceive their opinions to be false.
Buddhism has a lovely concept
called "non-attachment." Non-attachment is viewing things from a
calm, centered place. It's not the same as detachment, which can
be cold, distant, and uncaring. In non-attachment, we can be
completely engaged, caring deeply, but not invested--our sense of
self doesn't hinge on getting the results we want. We simply deal
with "what is" without wasting energy doing what won't do any
good, such as arguing with people who are closed. We might have
opinions based on our current knowledge and perspective, but have
no need to defend or proselytize them. We share them where there
is openness, and, in turn, listen with openness to others so that
we might learn and expand our view.
Buddhism views attachment as
the root of suffering. It's easy to see why. If we're attached to
a particular person loving us, having a thin waistline, or getting
a promotion, and it doesn't happen, we're unhappy. On the other
hand, if we want those things but in a relaxed way, balancing
doing what we can to have them with knowing that we can be happy
without them, we aren't devastated if we don't get
them.
When we're attached to our
opinions and invested in others sharing them, we inevitably slam
into the brick wall of others who are similarly attached to their
differing opinions. This is largely why so many people argue a
great deal. Attachment prevents us from connecting with others
soul to soul when they disagree with us.
Those who shout instead of
speak, who have a sense of desperation about getting through to
others, who are shrill and strident, may be recognizing some
serious problems while others have their heads in the sand.
Imagine living in Germany in 1933 and seeing the writing on the
wall. Today, some of us see oil running out, the environment being
ruined, terrorism spreading, the poor becoming poorer, diseases
spreading unnecessarily, our liberties being stripped away,
corporations and religions taking over government, etc. Aren't
such things of huge importance? If, for example, the environment
is ruined (a real possibility), humanity won't survive. How can we
be calm?
It is extraordinary that the
Dalai Lama and his followers in Tibet experienced atrocities at
the hands of the Chinese, yet endeavored to view them with love,
compassion, and gratitude for the spiritual lessons they provided.
They did all they could about the situation, which wasn't much,
and then those who could escaped to India.
In Nazi Germany, there was
similarly little those of integrity could do to stop the tide of
horror. Speaking out resulted in death. Their options were to try
to escape, become invisible, or work underground in a willingness
to sacrifice themselves if necessary.
Things in the U.S. are
obviously not comparable to Tibet or Nazi Germany, but some of us
still have felt like the "voice of one crying in the wilderness."
"Where there is no vision, the people perish," and there is
certainly a great lack of vision creating a lot of unnecessary
problems. There always has been, but to some of us, it seems worse
now than it has been for a while. However, although passion is a
virtue, people tend to turn away from the strident voice. Shouting
fortifies the resolve of perpetrators, and people in the middle
often assume that those who are strident are exaggerating and are
unnecessarily rocking the boat. A calmer voice, with reasoned
arguments backed up by facts and illustrated by people's
experiences, tends to be more effective in reaching
people.
Some critics said that Michael
Moore's "Fahrenheit 9/11" is less strident than his earlier films,
and, as a result, more effective. On the other hand, his brave
Oscar acceptance speech was booed down because it was
confrontational and directly pushed people's buttons; a more
subtle approach, speaking from his heart, might have been more
effective in reaching them. "I statements," speaking from our own
experiences, are more effective in communicating with others that
"you statements," which point the finger and put others on the
defensive.
When a situation is desperate,
there's all the more reason to speak with eloquence and truth
rather than with shrillness. When we're centered in ourselves as
eternal beings, we are able to respond with stillness and a large
perspective rather than just reacting emotionally to the immediate
situation.
One of the paradoxes of the
spiritual path is the lesson that everything is important and
nothing is important. On the one hand, even if we destroy human
life on this planet, although that would be enormously unfortunate
and a big setback, we, and the universe as a whole, will go on. It
would not be the first planet to be destroyed by out-of-control
sentient creatures, nor would it be the last. On the other hand,
everything we do, every choice we make, is important as an
opportunity for blessing and growth, not to be wasted. Therefore,
we do what we can and let go of the rest, not throwing away energy
bemoaning what is beyond our control.
However, doing what we can do
isn't merely physical. Consciousness is the most powerful thing
there is, and, in the long run (sometimes, the very long run),
love trumps its absence (hate, fear, oppression, etc.). Holding
the highest consciousness available to us while letting it keep
growing is the greatest gift we can offer the world. Words are
important; speaking to those with ears to hear may be part of our
service. However, holding the vibration of love is all of it. The
more people who love and the higher the quality of the love, the
more powerful a force love is in human affairs.
Also, a large perspective
reminds us that, while it behooves us to be honest about where
things seem to be heading, we never know for certain how they will
turn out. Probabilities can change on a dime in this chaotic
free-will world. In addition, we never know what tricks the
universe has up its proverbial sleeve. Some say, for example, that
the earth could heal itself of the wounds of pollution with
amazing speed if humanity reached a high enough consciousness. So
it doesn't pay to get too bent out of shape about what hasn't
happened yet. People sometimes make major life choices based on
gloom-and-doom predictions of things that never occur, leaving
them with egg on their face. The best approach is to trust our
intuition, use common sense, do all we can to change the course of
things, and then let go.
In non-attachment, we flow like
water. We speak what others can hear when they are open, and are
otherwise silent. We choose the words that communicate clearly and
honestly without unnecessarily triggering the defenses of others.
From centering in love, the words we *can* say, that flow cleanly,
are the right ones. When nothing can be said or done, we can still
always work with energy, channeling the eternal and uplifting the
darkness that comes our way. This is what it means to be a
lightworker.
TRUTH
Have you ever seen a movie you
loved, and then read a scathing review of it? The movie on the
screen was the same, but the movie we experience is the one in our
head. We each see things differently, sometimes very differently.
Decent, intelligent people can strongly disagree with each other.
Michael refers to personal
truths, as opposed to world and universal truths: what works for
one person may not for another. Many conflicts arise from
confusing personal truths with larger truths.
A personal truth might be
"Cabbage gives me gas." A world truth is "Cabbage is a food that
causes gas for some people." A universal truth is "Cabbage is a
food on Earth." All of these are indisputable truths; someone who
objectively sees the whole picture could agree with them. However,
if a person assumes that her personal truth is universal and
asserts, "Cabbage is a bad food," it is no longer truth. A law
banning cabbage would unnecessarily impose some people's personal
truths on others. A religion might teach that cabbage is evil
after observing that it causes gas in some people that could catch
fire and singe them, "surely the work of the devil, since we all
know that hell is fiery." That would be the religion's right, but
it's also a case for the separation of church and
state!
We each have a unique set of
base assumptions about life; its as if we each had a different
operating system in our computer. Some operating systems are
buggier than others--some crash more often, some are more
limited--but none of them is perfect. We can all use occasional
upgrades. Just as our computers have many hidden or invisible
files, many of our beliefs are unconscious; to change them, we
often must first become aware that we have them. We can become
aware of some of them by observing what we're unintentionally
creating in our life over and over.
Our computers also have
different software and data. In other words, we have different
abilities and knowledge. The Michael teachings discuss overleaves,
combinations of personality traits that slant us in particular
directions (we already discussed attitudes, one of the
overleaves), along with different body types, imprinting, and so
forth, in addition to our roles, which might be considered part of
our operating system.
It's easy to dismiss those
whose views seem off-base to us, but there are always reasons
people believe as they do, and they are often logical in light of
their beliefs and knowledge. Getting along with others requires
being respectful of their views. For example, we might say, "I
disagree." rather than, "I'm right, you're wrong," leaving the
door open to change or expand our own views. Even if we find
certain views insane or horrifying, we can still respect people as
human beings and their right to believe as they choose.
No matter what operating
system, software, and data we have, we can seek truth if we are
rigorously honest with ourselves and others, valuing it more than
winning arguments. No one can possess truth in its totality, but
we can each move ever closer to it if we are willing to install
upgrades as they come available.
"Truth" may be the most
important word in our language. The truth sets us free. Truth is
what is; knowing truth frees us from maya and gives us peace and
clarity. The more our words and energy accurately reflect truth,
the more spiritually powerful they are. Although truth is
compassionate because it includes the whole picture, is also a
sword that cuts through b.s. In unconditional truth, there may be
discretion and diplomacy. In unconditional love, there are still
boundaries--we don't have the same distance from everyone.
However, with both, we don't hold back out of fear or to protect
egoistic interests. We let our energy freely flow like sunshine
upon the just and unjust alike, in a desire that the highest good
of all be served. Others receive what they wish to and can. Love
and truth don't force themselves on anyone--they just
are.
We cannot have unconditional
love without truth, and vice versa. If a view is not
compassionate, it is not truth. If love doesn't honor what is, it
is not unconditional. People tend to think of unconditional love
as toothless, but since it is inseparable from truth, that is not
the case. In unconditional love, we may be meek, in the sense of
being humble, lacking egotism, but we're not weak. On the
contrary, love is the only true strength. Bullies do great damage,
but they are also profoundly insecure and often tumble like a
house of cards when their chips are down.
Facts are part of truth, but
not its whole. The truth emerges when there is the clear vision to
see facts with their proper weight and place. We cannot have this
vision without inner clarity and balance, which can take a great
deal of work to attain.
It can take much research and
fact-checking to determine what the facts are. It's not easy to
sort out what's real and what's spin in the world of politics.
Being fully informed on every important issue is impossible; all
we can do is our best with the time, resources, and inclinations
we have.
It's easy to understand the
appeal of just assuming that politicians know better than we do
and that we can trust them to do the right thing, even though
that's a fallacy--they mostly get the same news we do, and, in
fact, may be less informed than we are. Any inside information
they might have may be tainted or seen in a biased way. More
importantly, few politicians are consistently concerned solely
with doing the right thing, without political considerations.
Today, we have unprecedented access to alternative and
international presses, especially through the internet, that
report things that our mainstream media doesn't. We can take
responsibility for our world like never before.
However, even if one has time
to read extensively, it's not always possible to conclusively know
the facts in the middle of the "he said, she said" of politics. In
the face of contradictory versions of events, for example, whose
version do we trust? We weren't there, after all. We often end up
just believing what we want to believe, what fits with our views
and is palatable to us. It's important to keep an open mind and
recognize when we don't have enough information to be certain of
the facts. In tests such as the math portion of the SATs, a
scenario and question are sometimes presented; occasionally, the
right answer is that there isn't enough information to answer the
question.
It's said that a little
knowledge is a dangerous thing, because when we only have part of
the picture, it can be misleading. "Judge not by appearances." To
"judge righteous judgment," we have to look deeply into a
situation. Taken out of context, almost anything a person does or
says can be made to look bad or good. Facts are "the enemy of
truth" when they are not seen in their proper relationship to the
whole. Jumping to conclusions, filling in the gaps in information
with our imagination, can be highly damaging.
Many movie and television
courtroom dramas have stories about someone innocent convincingly
being made to look guilty, and vice versa, in part because people
on one or both sides manipulate, lie, or jump to conclusions from
circumstantial evidence. As often as we watch these shows, we
forget the lessons and still continue to jump to such conclusions
in real life. Tragically, many people have been sentenced to
prison and even death who were later found to be innocent. The
juries or judges had been convinced that the person was guilty
"beyond a reasonable doubt." That should be a sobering reminder
that things aren't always as they seem and that none of us are
infallible. Prosecutors often want to convict regardless of
innocence, and defense lawyers often want to acquit regardless of
guilt, just to "win"--in those cases, neither care about truth if
it doesn't serve their purposes.
People are entitled to a good
defense, but that doesn't include deliberately distorting,
falsifying, or suppressing evidence. How would a trial lawyer feel
if he got a killer acquitted who went on to kill his own
child?
Ferociously prosecuting like a
gunman seeking another notch in his belt, often to satisfy a
political need for a conviction--any conviction--is
unconscionable. How would a prosecutor feel if the roles were
reversed and he were unjustly being put away by an overzealous
prosecutor?
In politics, candidates often
accuse their opponents with a similar disregard for truth if they
think it will benefit them. How do some of them feel when they
lose because their opponent was a better liar than they were,
making people believe falsehoods about them more effectively than
they did about their opponent? Of course, most probably don't
admit to themselves that that was what happened.
Clear intuition can alert us
when information seems logical on the surface but something's
amiss--it doesn't add up or ring true. When the pieces of the
puzzle are laid out before us, it can help us perceive which facts
are at the crux of the matter when dry intellect alone could miss
the point and fixate on another. It can also help us sense what's
behind someone's words: honesty or dishonesty, straightforwardness
or evasiveness, pain, wishful thinking, manipulation, hollowness,
and so forth. Few people speak from their heart in politics;
taking words at face value can lead us astray, and often does. If
we like politicians, we want to take their words at face value,
but their words, especially those that are scripted, tend to be
carefully crafted to manipulate us, to stir our feelings in their
direction. We collaborate in our deception when we don't
scrutinize; it's probably more important to scrutinize the
politicians we support, since we are more likely not
to.
If we reach a critical mass
where we get enough accurate facts and then see them
proportionately within the whole so that the picture comes into
focus, we experience that famous ring of truth. When it is a
particularly profound and penetrating truth (deeper than, say,
"Cabbage is a food."), it is like the Liberty Bell resounding
throughout our being. We *know* the truth in this area, and it
sets us free; it isn't just intellectual theory--we feel it
physically, emotionally, and spiritually as well: it resonates
with our essence. It is as if all our senses are engaged: we hear
it, see it, feel it, touch it, and taste it. It can then be
transmitted to others with eyes to see, ears to hear, etc. When we
know the feel of truth, others can more easily transmit it to us
as well: when we hear it, it resounds, whereas untruth rings
tinny; when we see it, it is clear, whereas untruth is
unfocused.
Sometimes people think they've
heard the truth because they have an emotional response to what is
said. This is different from resonance on a soul level, which is
more subtle and full-spectrum. Religious services sometimes
stimulate the emotional body, even bringing euphoria, but that's
not the same as a spiritual experience, which opens us on higher
levels. An emotional group high may be enjoyable, but the words
spoken to help generate them don't necessarily accurately
represent truth. They may help stimulate people to open up and
move in the direction of truth, but if people keep growing, they
will see if what they heard passes the test of time, whether the
words indeed set them free to experience more of their soul,
enslaved them to limiting dogma, or landed them somewhere in the
middle. Truth isn't words anyway, but the soul-level understanding
they may awaken in our hearts. Two people can hear the same words
and interpret them in entirely different ways: one person may hear
the truth while the other hears only support for her pre-existing
beliefs. We can hear truth only if we connect with our soul: only
our soul can know truth--personality is but a husk.
When we speak truth, people
consumed by fear and defensiveness may not be able to receive it,
but it is always our best shot. Sinking to the level of those who
attack may seem expedient in the short run, but that mires us in
their world, and we lose the love vibration characteristic of
truth. However, the answer isn't in being impotently nice, but in
finding the potency of the precise truth. If it isn't setting us
free, we haven't found it yet.
"Perfect love casts out fear."
In any moment we open to unconditional love, internally or
externally, false fear is neutralized. True fear is designed to
keep us physically safe in the presence of a real threat to our
survival by increasing our fight or flight response and
heightening our senses. However, when fear becomes chronic or
associated with things that aren't genuine threats, it prevents us
from dealing with things effectively. Perfect love is love married
to a clear awareness of what is. Opening to it is the only
antidote for fear engendered by a false threat. For example, if we
make a mistake that we perceive as embarrassing, we can open to
the truth that we won't die from it, even if our habitual thinking
tells us we will; if we "grok" the truth that everything is really
fine, it sets us free. If it won't matter a hundred years from
now, it may not really matter that much now; only love will matter
a hundred years from now. Love is the highest truth, the central
"what is."
Although ignorance has always
been with us, and likely will be for a long time, there have been
periods in U.S. history when people read, debated, and voted more
than we do now. Part of the reason is that our lives are so busy
and stressful, with many distractions. However, knowledge and
participation is essential to a healthy democracy. The biggest
problem in American politics today is that so many people do not
invest the energy to go beyond sound bytes and commercials, which
usually truck in meaningless and misleading generalities;
candidates are sold like toothpaste because we are willing to buy
them that way. We aren't taking responsibility for our government,
which is a symptom of not taking responsibility for ourselves.
There have always been "dirty
tricks" and smears in politics, although sometimes they are more
brazen. They seem worse today than they have been in a while. They
work when there is insufficient interest in finding the truth. The
mainstream media, now less competitive and investigative, is not
as helpful in sorting out the facts than it has sometimes been.
Candidates throw dirt because no matter how devoid of truth it is,
some of it sticks.
A better-informed populace
would likely prefer better-informed candidates. Before the current
war, I channeled Michael as saying that if Bush went ahead with
it, it would turn out to be far messier than he had anticipated.
Recently, Bush acknowledged that. However, it didn't take a
channeled entity to foresee it; a well-read person might have
figured it out. Shouldn't the world's most powerful leader
understand the Middle East before plunging into a war there? We
cannot make good choices without being well-informed.
Michael also said that Bush
would discover that he was in way over his head; there have been
insider reports that this is also the case, and that he has been
coming apart at the seams, despite his well-packaged public
persona. This illustrates one of the problems of electing
charismatic people who don't read much and aren't curious,
analytical, or well educated: they are easily misled both by their
own passions and by others with agendas. They don't have the
knowledge or experience to know what they're getting into. Bush's
perspective on the war and many other things seems simplistic.
Although his intelligence is probably not as low as his mangled
syntax suggests, he is clearly not a deep person or a thinker of
substance. Beyond all the specific questions about the choices
he's made and even his honesty, the underlying question of his
competence may be the one people should most be asking.
All candidates are flawed to
some degree; many elections are a choice between the lesser of
evils. Some people will make a reasoned evaluation that Bush is a
better choice than Kerry, and some will decide the opposite; in a
democracy, that is obviously our right. However, choosing a flawed
candidate knowing what we are getting is one thing; taking the ads
and rhetoric at face value is another. Surely choosing a President
deserves as least as much research and thought as buying a
car.
Companies pay huge amounts of
money for advertising because it works. Unconscious people are
like sheep who are easily manipulated. As we become more
conscious, we take responsibility for more of our choices. Rather
than buying products solely because of advertising, we might do
research in publications like Consumer Reports and on the
internet, perhaps applying standards such as environmental
friendliness. With candidates, there is a wealth of information
available besides what is in the sound bytes.
Bush and his administration are
being who they've always been. If one feels that our current state
of affairs is a mess, the primary responsibility is with those who
voted for him, especially those who did so without looking past
the surface or questioning the questionable. Even if one believes
that the 2000 election was stolen, there were enough people who
voted for him to make that possible; a less-close race couldn't
have been stolen.
Most candidates endeavor to
manipulate unthinking voters their way. In an unconscious world,
the best manipulators win. Until that blessed day when we can
choose among candidates who love truth more than winning, it's
caveat emptor (buyer beware). Our own passion for truth, coupled
with a willingness to be at least minimally informed relative to
key choices we make, mitigates against being
manipulated.
If we do not love truth in all
aspects of our life, we cannot fully love it in any aspect. Any
shadow we avoid hovers over everything we do. Loving truth,
especially when it's not convenient or comfortable, is true
integrity that shines a light that may inspire others to do the
same.
WISDOM
Unconditional love might bring
to mind Jesus' comment about turning the other cheek. That is
often understood as signing up to be a victim, allowing bullies to
walk all over us. Hardly anyone consistently practices this in
politics (or elsewhere), even if they pay lip service to it or
consider it to be the ideal, because it usually doesn't work very
well. However, the Gospels suggest that Jesus could also be tough,
so what gives?
Wisdom is the application of
truth. Wisdom perceives what would be the most beneficial action
in a given situation. Sometimes, absorbing a blow, physically or
verbally, and raising the energy of it through love, may result in
the highest good possible in a situation, especially when
alternatives are limited and fighting back is futile.
However, there are other ways
one might turn the other cheek. In martial arts, one is taught not
to resist attacks, but to receive and redirect them, using the
energy of the attack to neutralize the attacker. In other words,
one doesn't fight back in the manner of the attack, but lets the
attacker, in effect, defeat himself so that no one is seriously
hurt. Turning the cheek here is, in effect, turning to the side
and letting the attacker whiz by or otherwise thwarting his
expectations. Most attackers want and expect us to react in a like
manner, so surprise can be a potent tool.
Spiritual literature also gives
examples in which killing someone is the most merciful or highest
act, to spare him pain or the creation of karma that would take
him many lifetimes to pay back.
Martin Cecil, a spiritual
teacher, was once asked what he'd do if someone tried to mug him.
His answer was that it would be interesting to find out. In other
words, if we live in wisdom, we freshly evaluate each situation to
see what the highest action would be, rather than trying to
second-guess it ahead of time or follow rigid rules. If it were
his time to go, maybe he'd let the mugger kill him. In some
instances, talking to the mugger might neutralize him. In others,
spraying him with pepper spray or shooting him in the leg might
stop him without killing him, and that might be the best possible
outcome. Perhaps killing him would stop him from killing many
others.
Rigid rules cannot fit every
situation. Rules are not a substitute for wisdom; people in the
throes of maya can always find a way around rules, but a genuine
desire to take the path of integrity and love seldom leads us
astray. If we hear our intuition and spiritual guidance, we will
know what to do. However, in general, the universe practices a
conservation of energy--it seeks the biggest "bang for its
buck"--so we would seek the most effect for the least effort and
cost, including keeping violence to an absolute minimum. Wisdom
and creative thinking give us access to many alternatives to brute
force. This has obvious application to the affairs of
state.
Gandhi and his followers
successfully practiced nonviolent resistance against the British
in India in part because the British were relatively civilized.
Nonviolent resistance also worked well in the U.S. civil rights
movement. It probably wouldn't depose a totalitarian government in
which the rulers have no conscience unless it were very widely and
bravely adopted, although one might still choose nonviolence for
his own spiritual reasons--the goal might be inner freedom rather
than outer.
The Ten Commandments are, of
course, rules. They were given to a primitive people who weren't
yet mature enough to evaluate each situation individually--they
needed simple guidelines they could understand. Many still do
today, and the Commandments are still valuable. However, people
who subscribe to them sometimes rationalize that they don't apply
to their situation when they aren't "convenient." If there was a
third tablet footnoting exceptions, it is now lost. :)
Some scholars say that "Thou
shalt not murder" is a more correct translation of "Thou shalt not
kill," and allowed for killing in war. One wonders if "okay"
killing in war extends to the inevitable casualties who are not
soldiers, or those who didn't need to be killed in order to secure
peace. Killing in war may sometimes be a necessary evil, to
prevent a greater evil, but it's well to remember that it *is* an
evil: people are just as dead whether they're murdered or killed.
All killing is devastating for everyone concerned; everyone killed
in our name by our government diminishes us all, even if it is
necessary. Those who feel inevitably grieve after taking another
sentient life, even a despicable one. If our conscience is clear,
the grief is clean, free of complications, but we still mourn the
lost potential that every human life has, and have compassion for
loved ones who suffer. Beyond that, we cannot help but feel that
we have collectively failed by creating a world in which this ugly
act was necessary.
This is not an ideal world, and
some killing is necessary. Beyond killing violent humans in
self-defense, many of us kill animals to eat. Like carnivorous
animals, such as most cats and dogs, many humans languish on a
completely vegetarian diet. Even killing plants to eat is less
than ideal; plants have feelings, too. The ideal might be a
fruitarian or even breatharian diet, in which nothing dies to feed
us, but at our current stage of development, most people cannot
make that work. The best we can do is keep killing to a minimum,
and do it with honor and respect. An example is Native Americans
asking buffalo for permission before killing them and asking trees
permission before cutting them down. Another is to honor all lives
lost, friend or foe. Surely the lives of our soldiers are not more
valuable than the lives of Iraqis; even the soldiers fighting
against us believe they are fighting for something right, and each
of them have families and friends who care about them. Whether or
not we need to fight them, we do not need to hate them or discount
their lives. Surely the lives of those who died in 9/11 are not
more precious than those who die tragically elsewhere. We can
honor them all.
The idea that a war is
necessary is questionable when viewed in a larger context. World
War II is usually viewed as a totally necessary war, since Hitler
obviously needed to be stopped. However, would Hitler have risen
to power in the first place if there had been the equivalent of
the Marshall Plan after World War I rather than the victors being
so punitive? Would Japan have become so militaristic had the West
not forced it open in the 19th century? Both of these are examples
of "What goes around comes around," with a vengeance. Every war
demonstrates humanity's failure to create a just and sane
world.
The single Golden Rule might be
a good replacement for the Ten Commandments, assuming one isn't a
masochist--most people want to be respected and not harmed, and
the Golden Rule is universal: there is a version of it in most of
the world's major religions. Applying the Golden Rule to
government would revolutionize it: For instance, would our
legislators feel good about working hard and earning $5.15/hr.?
What if they were convicted of a crime, guilty or not? Do our
justice and prison systems treat people the way they'd like to be
treated? (A cartoon has someone carrying a placard that reads, "Do
unto others," and another person asking, "Didn't there used to be
more to it?")
An even simpler rule might be,
"Thou shalt not unnecessarily harm." It assumes, however, the
ability to envision alternatives to brute force; otherwise, a lot
of unnecessary harm might look necessary.
Following rules might help keep
people out of trouble most of the time, but to actually make a
positive contribution, which is the only source of true
satisfaction in life, we need the wisdom to know what would
help.
Few issues are cut-and-dried.
Was it wise for the U.S. to invade Iraq as it did? We each have
our own opinion, but there are pros and cons on both sides. Most
agree that getting rid of Hussein was positive; the question is
whether it was worth the cost, whether the positives outweigh the
negatives when it's all added up. Wisdom comes from being able to
clearly see the whole picture, rather than focusing on selected
parts.
THE SPIRITUAL PATH
When we get on a spiritual
path, it is common to try to ignore the political world because
it's too distracting and ugly. Reading a newspaper or, especially,
watching the news can quickly pull us off our center because it's
so full of negativity and maya. Plus, who has the energy to focus
on spiritual growth and, at the same time, sort through all the
slippery facts and distorting spin of politics? Both seem like
full-time jobs, and being politically well-informed and active may
seem like more trouble than it's worth.
Separating from anything to
which we habitually react can be wise until we've sufficiently
strengthened our centering to withstand the hurricane pulls of
human drama, our own and others'. There's no rule that says that
everyone has to participate in politics, relationships, or
anything else. We must each find our own right and true path.
There can be much spiritual substance generated by those who
maintain a holy place apart from the hubbub of the world that can
help the world reach a higher place.
On the other hand, there can
also be much value in spiritually centered people taking on the
responsibilities of citizenship, participating in discussions and
voting, and otherwise being in the world but not of it (not
dealing with it in the same old way). The world desperately needs
the direct hands-on touch of higher consciousness. If one is
naturally interested in politics (or anything else) that's a
pretty good indication that one has gifts to offer in that
field.
Although everything is
spiritual, everything is also political. We live in one world, and
everything is connected. Caring about higher consciousness
automatically brings us to caring about how we're collectively
investing our energy: is the government representing us creating
the peace, freedom, and well-being that allows higher
consciousness to thrive, or contributing to a downward spiral of
increased suffering? We each need to find the level of involvement
that is right for us, but spirituality and politics are not
separate or opposed.
AWAKENING
Humanity is inexorably
awakening to a higher consciousness, but not all at the same time
or speed. Our institutions such as our government and media can
support it or slow it down, but the awakening is bigger than any
institution.
Patience is helpful in those of
us who are further in the process than the mainstream. The speed
of change is relative, and there's no right or wrong speed, but to
those who are ahead of the pack, it can seem like it is happening
painfully slowly (or not at all). What is needed seems obvious and
clear to us, so why can't others see it?
When we first wake up from a
deep sleep, consciousness returns slowly, but the closer we get to
full consciousness, the faster we wake up. Spiritually, awakening
happens on an exponential curve: as we awaken, we learn how to
awaken and become more flexible, so that awakening can occur
increasingly fast.
The molasses-like density of
our current level of consciousness results in realizations and
changes tending to come much slower than they otherwise might, but
it's already quicker than in the past. On the surface, especially
in politics, it may seem like it's two steps forward, one step (or
more) backward. (Did we learn nothing from Viet Nam?) However, the
contents of bestseller lists today as opposed to thirty years ago
are one indication that consciousness has, in fact, grown
significantly. although different parts of consciousness grow at
different speeds.
It's rare for consciousness to
actually regress; usually, it just hits a block in its forward
motion, such as a patch of fear it had ignored or that hadn't
arisen before, and needs time to process it. For example, someone
may have been more adventurous when younger, but now is working on
how to balance that with stability; she may look like she's
regressed, but when she next returns to adventure, it might be on
a higher, less reckless level.
People only change if and when
they're ready, and only to the extent they can handle. No matter
how wise or logical the explanation or argument, those who aren't
ready to hear it resist it, ignore it, or pay lip service to it
without much happening. Unless people are highly motivated, they
usually change slowly, if at all. While humanity as a whole is
progressing, individuals can choose not to progress. There are a
sizeable number of people who will never, in this lifetime, give
up their bigotry, for example; humanity just has to wait for them
to die off. Rising consciousness most affects the young, because
they are more open to change. How true that youth are our hope.
How criminal that many young people are still being taught to hate
not just at home but in their schools and religious institutions.
This is particularly a problem in the Middle East. Still, with the
internet and mass media making the world smaller, negative
imprinting from the immediate environment is not as potent,
because it's not the only input young people are
getting.
Individually and collectively,
we have many long-standing limiting and destructive patterns that
probably won't change overnight, and not without a lot of
nurturing, education, and mistakes. As with planting a garden, the
soil for change must be prepared: rocks and sticks need to be
removed, and fertilizer, sunshine, and water added. Over time, the
harvest will likely increase. Gardens show the most growth in
their latter stages, when plants can seemingly double in size
almost overnight. Humanity has not yet reached that momentum, but
if it avoids self-destructing, it probably will at some
point.
There also tends to be a time
lag between changes in consciousness and changes in the outer
world. Politics is the outermost layer of the world and,
therefore, the last thing to change. It usually reflects more our
past than our present, in terms of what's really happening
spiritually in us in our core.
It's similar to the way we
sometimes experience internal changes but don't intellectually
realize them until the understanding emerges after the
fact--something triggers an "Aha! I'm not the same person
anymore." Our self-aware intellect is the outer layer of our
consciousness, and, like politics, can be the last to know what
has been emerging.
Even politicians who try to do
the will of the people tend to act on yesterday's will, not
today's, and polling may not reflect what's going on in people
internally if it hasn't yet come into conscious awareness. A true
leader is connected to what is arising, the growth the universe is
seeking, rather than reacting to the surface.
This is the beginning of a new
age. Ancient prophesies from many traditions point to this as a
time of transition. The Michael teachings speak of a shift from
young- to mature-soul perspective--that's part of it.
Astrologically, this is the dawn of Aquarius. Foreboding about the
new millennium mostly came and went, but we can still feel that
we're on the cusp of something. It's as if the cosmic climate is
becoming sunnier and we can begin to move to a lighter density.
We're not out of the dark, stagnant swamp yet, but the sun is
peeking through and the breezes are blowing.
The pressure to change,
physically, mentally, emotionally, and, especially, spiritually,
is mounting. We cannot go on as we have. We are collectively
pregnant with new consciousness, and we cannot not be pregnant.
Whether we have a healthy delivery or a stillborn, we can't escape
the discomfort.
On a physical level, our
unprecedented population puts a lot of pressure on us, pushing our
buttons. When we're comfortable, we can coast. When we become
crowded and our supplies of food, water, oil, etc., become
threatened, our insecurities more readily surface. We receive far
more stimulation today than in the past, which also increases the
pressure: we are constantly barraged with aural and visual noise;
we are overworked and under-rested in an attempt to keep up
financially; traffic is increasingly congested and uncivil; our
food, water, and air are increasingly degraded--stress of all
kinds keeps rising. As unpleasant as this all can be, it can also
serve the cause of growth as it stirs up unresolved issues and
points up where we need to grow; when we seek to heal, grow, and
become more skillful in navigating this challenging landscape, we
become more mature, and, consequently, peaceful.
To use another analogy, we're
having growing pains; our body is growing whether we like it or
not. We can resist and be miserable, or we can go with it, doing
stretching exercises and breathing deeply, and be less
uncomfortable. One way or another, we will grow.
We usually think of discomfort
as a bad thing, but the pressure we feel is there for a reason. It
is the life force of the universe bringing change, like the gentle
yet inexorable force of a mushroom growing under a sidewalk that
eventually cracks it open. If we resist the pressure, we crack. If
we realize that the pressure is our truer, deeper selves pushing
to come forth and make a new world, that we *are* the pressure, we
can make peace with it and let it guide us on the path of growth.
We learn to live with the discomfort until the pressure naturally
resolves into the equilibrium it is seeking. If, instead, we blame
others for our discomforts or try to distract ourselves or dampen
them through things like substance abuse, we might abort and not
get to the clean resolution.
PROJECTION
In humanity's habitual
unconsciousness, we look for someone to blame when we're
uncomfortable, even when our discomfort springs entirely from
internal forces or from external factors of our own making. Having
someone to blame makes us think we're in control without having to
face or change ourselves; we tell ourselves that all we have to do
is get rid of the blameworthy party, and we'll be fine.
In politics, the right and left
blame each other. In religion, Christians blame Muslims and Jews;
Muslims blame Christians and Jews; Jews blame Muslims and
Christians; Hindis blame Buddhists and vice-versa, and so forth.
Various ethnicities and races blame each other. Men and women,
rich and poor, gay and straight, and all other manner of opposites
blame each other ad infinitum. However, no amount of scapegoating
will really make us feel better; on the contrary, it leads us
inexorably into increased desolation.
We imagine that those we blame
are our opposites, in an effort to keep them as far from us as
possible, whether or not they are true opposites. True or natural
opposites include male/female and light/dark. Different cultures,
religions, or races are not opposites; they are just variants.
Whether opposites are organic or imagined, they share far more
commonalities than differences: less than three percent of genetic
material is different between men and women, and far less is
different among races. All religions seek God and, again, are much
more similar than different. People of a variety of political
stripes have similar desires and goals, even if they differ in
their beliefs about how to achieve them. In polarization, we see
only the differences; in integration (which brings integrity), we
see them in the context of our commonalities.
We play the "blame game" when
we are unwilling to take full responsibility for ourselves. Blame
is an attempt to move our internal discomfort out of ourselves
onto others. What exactly we blame them for depends upon our
shadows. Shadows are the dark areas in ourselves where we lack
consciousness that we deny or judge. They are frozen voids. We all
have them--none of us has full consciousness. We project them onto
others, in personal relationships, politics, and everywhere else,
when we are looking for something for which to blame them. We
avoid dealing with our shadows by pretending that they're "out
there" rather than "in here." To own them would be to face that
the thing we hate is what we are.
How bitterly ironic that Hitler
was probably part Jewish, as well as homosexual. He hated himself,
so those groups were largely what he sought to destroy. In the
end, he succeeded in destroying himself, but he took down millions
of others with him. In a sense, he was a teacher for humanity,
showing us important lessons if we have eyes to see
them.
Here's an example of how
shadows form: People who have struggled with their weight and
blamed being overweight for their problems tend to also be charged
about others who seem overweight, whether or not they really are.
In their minds, being fat equals being unloved. If they were
ridiculed for their weight, they ridicule themselves for it,
hoping to keep themselves in line so that they can avoid the
ridicule of others and be loved. Therefore, they may be unable to
love themselves if they put on a few pounds, and cannot love
others they judge to be overweight; they may even ridicule them,
too. Even when thin, their shadow is the ever-lurking fat person
whom they must judge and deny, trying to hold it down. Those for
whom weight has never been an issue don't tend to think about it
much either way. Those who have struggled with being underweight
might be attracted to those who are larger. (Body types, part of
the Michael teachings, also explain much about attraction. See
http://summerjoy.com/attraction.html)
Anais Nin said, "We see the
world not as it is but as we are." One who has not become
conscious of his shadows sees only his shadows.
If we realize who we really
are, we can begin to neutralize the hatred of self we all carry to
some degree, and work on bringing in the consciousness we lack to
illumine our shadows. Our human flaws become manageable from the
perspective of being a vast soul created from love. Like opinions,
we have shadows but we are not them.
Anger is the outward movement
of our life force seeking to push away threat; fear is the inward
movement seeking to retreat from it. They are two sides of one
coin; when anger is on the surface, fear is behind it, and vice
versa. The masculine puts anger on top, the feminine, fear; anger
is aggressive, fear is receptive. True anger/fear (fight or
flight) is a response to a genuine threat existing in the moment;
it's part of our survival instinct. False anger/fear is a response
to an imaginary threat. Let's explore the anger-on-top scenario as
it relates to blame and projection, which are also aggressive (a
bullet, for example, is a projectile).
When anger, true or false,
arises to protect us and is unable to do so, it can become bottled
up and begin to fester. The more bottled up anger we have, the
greater the pressure. It seeks release any way it can find. There
are healthy, therapeutic ways to release old anger, but most
people aren't familiar with them. Reacting to imaginary or
exaggerated threats is a common way of releasing some of this
pent-up pressure. However, it is ineffective because it doesn't
heal the anger, so it comes up over and over. Old anger is the
power behind the blame game: blaming someone gives us an excuse to
temporarily let off steam.
Many people have legitimate
grievances against others, and anger can also fuel the creation of
proper boundaries when we're centered and control it rather than
it controlling us. However, when we're self-righteous, we tend to
assume that all our anger is valid, when much of it may not be. We
can't sort out and handle our anger properly until we take adult
responsibility for our internal state, being willing to fully face
our own demons. Often, false anger results from others not
fulfilling expectations that we have no right to demand; these
stem from disappointments we have with ourselves.
Demonizing is like buying
rather than renting: it gives us a permanent foe to blame,
ensuring long-term "protection" for our shadows.
Blaming keep the spotlight off
our shadows. It lets us tell others what their internal state
should be than taking responsibility for our own. When our
adversaries are doing the same thing, it gets to be like a
funhouse hall of distorted mirrors: the criticisms we hurl come
bouncing back at us ad infinitum. This describes the current
acrimonious state of politics.
The right and left often have
similar criticisms of each other, such as being knee-jerk and
marching in unison. Both right and left sometimes react in a
preprogrammed, knee-jerk manner, but the right is only willing to
see it relative to the left, and vice versa. Each side projects
its shadows onto the other. When we realize that what we accuse
others of often reveals more about ourselves than about others,
especially when we do it in a mean-spirited way, we are not likely
be so free with our accusations.
Let's say that two people are
arguing, and both accuse the other of being stubborn. Maybe both
are being stubborn, maybe just one is, or maybe neither is and
they just have differing views. If they're projecting their own
stubbornness, their accusations of stubbornness are likely to be
highly charged and judgmental, not just weary and frustrated.
Whatever is objectively the case, "You're stubborn!" "No, YOU'RE
stubborn!!" could go on forever, so there's no point in continuing
that conversation. If they are people of goodwill, they might
agree to call a truce, examine themselves for stubbornness, and
then try to find a solution that works for each of
them.
Both left and right see the
other as being misguided and ill-informed, if not downright evil,
so what's the point in bringing that up?--it just adds to the
confusion. No one likes to be told he's ignorant; it's better to
just provide the information we think is missing and see if it
takes.
We all have room for
improvement, and no one sees the whole picture with complete
clarity and inclusiveness. As long as we're projecting our shadows
in the not-so-funhouse, the picture we see is distorted
indeed.
HEALING DIVISIVENESS
An acquaintance who has worked
in Washington said that the right and left used to work together
on friendly terms, socializing together and taking their
differences in stride, good-naturedly. But no more--there's
outright hate and segregation now. This can't be good for finding
a positive path to a better future.
Studies have shown that
counties are far less mixed in terms of the political spectrum
than they were a generation ago. Birds of a feather are flocking
together more than ever, because people have more freedom to
choose where they live. So we have more heavily conservative and
heavily liberal counties, and middle-of-the-road candidates are
having a harder time being elected. Our winner-takes-all political
system rewards extremism and divisiveness.
It's certainly easier and more
pleasant to be around people who agree with us. Disagreements
challenge us and force us to respond, either by thinking (God
forbid!) or defending. In either case, it requires an expenditure
of energy. When neither side has any intention of really listening
to the other and considering altering its views, it's a waste of
energy.
Still, we also expend a lot of
energy letting off steam among our own, together ranting,
accusing, and attacking our favorite demons. It takes a lot of
adrenalin to fuel righteous indignation.
Many people avoid this dilemma
through apathy, but, in fact, most of us really do care about the
world we in which we live. Apathy is just cutting ourselves off
from our feelings, so that they go underground and emerge in other
ways, harming ourselves.
The most energy-efficient
approach is to calmly and rationally listen to each other. What a
concept! When we feel heard by others, we tend to be more willing
to hear others and compromise.
Of course, divisiveness is not
confined to politics, religion, or other famously charged areas;
it shows up in every area where there are opinions.
The New York Times
recently reported on a "civil war" within the psychotherapy field
between those who want to force therapists to stick with
techniques that have been validated through studies, and those who
value an intuitive approach. It's another manifestation of the
conflict between masculine and feminine, intellect and feeling.
Much conflict resolves when we replace "either/or" with
"both/and," finding the right balance of each. Shouldn't
psychotherapists use both proven techniques and intuition? Why do
some want to limit it to one or the other?
In politics, the "middle of the
road" is sometimes a bland, milquetoast place that doesn't stand
for anything. However, the center could also be a place of balance
that reconciles opposites, blending the best ideas from all sides,
in the same way our heart is located in the center of our
body.
Similarly, the media
increasingly equate journalistic neutrality with passivity, not
saying anything, just reporting what others say. However,
neutrality could also be active, impartially asking challenging
questions of all sides and helping bring them together.
RESIST NOT EVIL
"There are a thousand hacking
at the branches of evil to one who is striking at the
root."
--Henry Thoreau
The word "evil" is bandied
about quite a bit these days, more by the right, although the left
is jumping on the bandwagon, too. Bush's "axis of evil" harkens
back to Reagan's "evil empire." Casting people as evil
(demonizing) makes them seem less than human. Ironically, making
people seem less than human can make it seem okay to do evil
things to them. We can't get rid of evil with more evil.
Furthermore, knee-jerk dismissals of others as being evil, even if
they legitimately are, can be lazy shortcuts to avoid the work of
trying to understand them and the situation surrounding them: the
attitude is that if they are evil, they must be destroyed, end of
story.
Einstein showed us that nothing
can be destroyed--things can only be changed, matter into energy
or vice versa. It is evil that tries to destroy in the first
place. People who do evil generally have suffered profound wounds;
to eliminate evil, they must be healed. Only light can dispel
darkness, knowledge can dispel ignorance, love can dispel hate.
Good doesn't seek to destroy anything, not even evil; it
integrates and heals. Trying to destroy evil is really an effort
to stamp out the evil within ourselves. It's true that sometimes
armies can be defeated, destructive people captured, and new
governments established, but, as we saw in Viet Nam and we're
seeing in Iraq, these things aren't necessarily so easy to
accomplish. In any case, they do not destroy evil; if underlying
problems aren't addressed, it will emerge again.
Casting Saddam Hussein as evil
seemed to automatically justify the war in Iraq, whether or not it
actually made any sense or made things better overall. "He's evil,
so we have to go in there and get him!" There have always been
dictators as bad as Hussein and worse, so the reason for war
wasn't that Hussein is evil, but the rhetoric implied
it.
To most Americans, he is a
two-dimensional comic book villain, not a real person. If he were
real, he'd be scarier, in part because we might see something of
ourselves reflected in him. For example, have we ever bullied
anyone, physically, emotionally, or intellectually? Keeping him
two-dimensional makes things simple: just destroy him and wipe our
hands of it, no questions asked.
Comic-book villains, to be
worthy opponents, must possess great powers; otherwise, why bother
with them? This one was imputed to have weapons of mass
destruction. To be fair, he once had some, but so do other despots
whom we haven't tried to depose. Even if he had them, why would he
use them against the U.S. when retaliation would certainly be
devastating? (And why does the U.S. get to have all the weapons of
mass destruction we want, but nobody else does?) Many others have
discussed at length the probable real reasons for the war.
Whatever they were, the point here is to illustrate the
good-vs.-evil card. The administration may have played it
sincerely, manipulatively, or both, but they played it.
As mentioned, the left is
getting into the act, too. Some on the left don't want to grant
the Bush Administration any benefit of the doubt. "But this
administration is evil!" This sounds suspiciously similar to the
way the Clinton haters carry on to this day about him being
"immoral" and read darkness into everything he did. Whatever
Clinton is or isn't, he is certainly a shadow-catcher for some
members of the right, a symbol of things in themselves they don't
wish to face. Otherwise, they wouldn't be so charged about him.
Who on the right (or left) has never lied to cover his ass or said
what people wanted to hear? For the left, perhaps Bush represents,
in part, selfish, bull-headed adherence to a path of destruction;
who among us hasn't ever been guilty of that?
The Bush Administration is
guilty of many things, but it is not as black-and-white as "evil"
would imply. When we use hyperbole, we tend to turn off all but
those already sold on our point of view; if we want to effectively
reach others, we need to shed real light on the situation rather
than using charged words that distort rather than
illuminate.
Fundamentalism of any religion,
political party, or other belief system thrives on making someone
else out to be evil; nothing rallies the troupes like a good bad
guy. However, a childish comic book good-vs.-evil view of life
makes us less safe. In a world in which most people think they're
the good guys, it just leads to a confusion of finger-pointing
that gets ugly real fast. Putting others on the defensive is a
quick way to start a fight. Sometimes we need to be tough, to make
a solid wall to stop trespassers, but that is never more than a
temporary fix. In the long run, it is bridges that make the world
safer, not walls.
Making war on terrorism, itself
a kind of war, indicates a paradigm of conflict. Making war on war
doesn't bring peace; making peace makes peace. Einstein said, "We
can't solve problems by using the same kind of thinking we used
when we created them." He also said, "Peace cannot be kept by
force. It can only be achieved by understanding."
With the world teeming with
bullies, there aren't enough soldiers and weapons to begin to tame
them, and the soldiers sent to counter them too often become
bullies themselves. Although it is sometimes possible and
appropriate to step in and stop bullies, that is not the solution
any more than controlling symptoms heals an underlying disease.
Like filth breeding bacteria, an unjust world breeds bullies; the
solution is a more just world. Most of our problems can be boiled
down to a lack of love in the world; the solution is more love.
Battling evil isn't the same as creating good. One can get so
carried away with battling evil that there's no energy left to
create good. One could fight the war against evil
forever.
What might creating good look
like? A few ideas: Richer countries helping poorer ones with
education, health care, agricultural self-sufficiency (especially
through permaculture), etc. A foreign policy that supports human
rights and not thugs. Respect for other people's cultures and
feelings. An exchange of people and ideas. A willingness to
acknowledge past violations and apologize for them. Unfortunately,
the U.S. has not been putting its best foot forward in its foreign
policy for a long time, and many Americans aren't aware of
it.
Some Americans now think that
all Muslims, about a billion people (roughly a sixth of the
world's population) are evil. That's like saying that all
Christians (also about a billion people) are evil because of the
crimes that have been committed in the name of
Christianity.
To most Americans, the term
"terrorist" automatically means "evil." We forget how many
terrorists are children or young adults who have been brainwashed
to think that suicidal self-sacrifice is a great gift to God that
will be rewarded abundantly in the afterlife, or some such thing.
Explicating is not excusing their actions, but if the label "evil"
seems sufficient explanation, then the solution seems easy: just
capture and destroy them all. That's like cutting off the head of
a Hydra--three grow back in its place. In the meantime, their side
is also playing the good-vs.-evil card, and in their
action/adventure movie, the Americans are the evil ones. When, in
our eyes, we're squashing evil, in theirs, we're doing dastardly
deeds that warrant retaliation. A truly vicious circle, a circle
of viciousness.
Squashing evil doesn't work: we
push it down, and it pops up somewhere else. Those who focus on
evil tend to become evil themselves (an example is abusive
hellfire-and-damnation preachers). What we need is more good. If
young Muslims were more exposed to the goodness, the humanity, of
Americans, they would be less likely to demonize us. The reverse
is also true: Americans with Muslim friends aren't likely to
demonize them, just as people with gay friends aren't likely to be
prejudiced against them.
There will always be those who
cling to hate no matter how exemplary we are. All we can do is
take responsibility for our side of the relationship, living in
integrity no matter what. That tends to minimize animosities if
not entirely eliminating them.
Some say that 9/11 occurred
simply because Muslim extremists hate our freedom. Certainly there
is far more to it than that. It's true that they incite hatred for
the West (and Israel) on ideological grounds--this is a big
problem, and even if Americans behaved impeccably throughout the
world, it would not sway those who cling to fanaticism. However,
surely we have much room for improvement in both our actions and
our communication. Perhaps if we could win more respect and trust
from Muslim moderates, they would be able to temper the fanatics.
That along with better security and intelligence might go a long
way toward taming the terrorist threat.
Domestically, the right and
left play the good-vs.-evil card against each other with less
physical violence, obviously, but sometimes with as much
vehemence.
Those who demonize the other
side like to pick the most extreme or ridiculous examples of their
policy, emphasizing the abuses (there will always be some in the
implementation of any policy), and use them to paint the whole
ideology with the same brush. This is polarizing, and reveals an
ax to grind, a lack of interest in finding the whole truth. It's
similar to how the media treats the new age, showing only the
flakes in order to ridicule and try to discredit the whole thing.
There are extremists and loonies on both the left and right, but
it's disingenuous and manipulative to use them to characterize
their whole.
Demonizers also tend to find
fault with and twist whatever the other side says or does, however
innocuous, and try to use it against them. They declare war and
rationalize that "All's fair in war. They're evil, so everything
they do is evil anyway." Their hate blinds them. This obviously
puts a damper on reasoned discussion. It's reminiscent of a
marriage nearing an acrimonious divorce, in which both parties
blame the other as being wholly at fault, and cannot see any
redeeming qualities in the other. Neither side takes any
responsibility for the problems they had. Surely the problems we
face as a nation aren't totally the fault of either the right or
left, even if one is misbehaving more than the other at a given
time because they have the power to get away with it.
Adrenalin can be addictive.
Those who rant about those they've demonized get a rush from it.
(I'm not necessarily referring to Rush Limbaugh here. :) ) and
those who listen can be caught up in a kind of hypnotic trance as
their own anger is activated. Demagogues manipulate the masses by
appealing to their unhealed anger and prejudices, pushing their
buttons, playing them like a violin. When we heal our anger,
ranting holds no appeal to us.
Some politicians face the
dilemma of wanting to conduct a positive, clean campaign, but once
their opponent starts slinging mud, it seems necessary to do the
same in order to survive. Unfortunately, negative campaigning,
with its attacks and innuendos, sells well. Attacks need a strong
response; however, it need not be in the same spirit. There is
nothing more powerful than the truth stated clearly, fairly, and
pointedly.
Jesus taught to love our
enemies. That's not easy, but it's essential if we're going to
rise out of this vituperative morass. Better yet would be to not
have any enemies at all, to truly understand that we're all in
this together and that we need to create a world that works for
everyone. If we love our enemies, maybe they're not enemies
anymore, even if they're causing harm. Again, sometimes those
doing harm need to be stopped, but we don't need to make them
enemies to stop them, no more than we need to scream at a child
who is acting out to stop him; we just stop him.
Or maybe "enemies" here simply
refer to those who oppose us, those whose views we strongly
disagree with. If we love them, we may still disagree (they're
still "enemies" or adversaries), but we have goodwill toward them,
wishing them well and being open to hearing them. What if
political candidates loved their opponents? Debate could still be
vigorous, but it would be decent, without Machiavellian tactics
and deliberate distortions.
Evil acts, of which we're all
capable, are different from evil people. We might define evil acts
as those that are highly harmful, usually stemming from great
ignorance and deep unconsciousness. Evil people, on the other
hand, are those with hardened malice who delight in deliberately
harming others. There aren't many truly evil people in the
world.
Bush's administration has done
some evil things (as most have to some extent) along with some
good (constructive) things. What percentage of its influence has
been destructive, constructive, and neutral, and how that compares
to previous administrations, looks different depending on where we
stand, but no one could legitimately claim that any administration
is 100% good or evil.
However high the percentage of
his influence that has been destructive, Bush isn't an evil man.
His wife and daughters seem like lovely, happy people, which would
probably not be the case were Bush evil, and Bush has a good sense
of humor, a trait that is likely to be lacking in hardened, cruel
people.
Psychically, his energy doesn't
feel very good; many people with current or past substance abuse
problems are overrun with parasitic entities, and this seems to be
the case here. Substance abuse pokes a lot of holes in our energy
field, and tends to go hand-in-hand with not being very present,
which allows other energies to more easily get in. To some extent,
Bush is controlled both by these entities and by other people. His
own energy is rather blank and neutral, so the heaviness in his
energy field is from the energies controlling him. On the other
hand, he has charisma that is able to charm many people and make
them want to like and go along with him when they otherwise
disagree with him. It's as if the entities using him have cast
Harry Potter-ish spells to create an aura around him that helps
him get what he wants--they feed off his power, so it behooves
them to help him get it. You might say that their charms magnify
his personal charm.
The Cheneys and some others in
his administration seem personally darker and more dysfunctional,
but none seem to have totally extinguished their light.
Even a truly evil person can do
constructive things, and basically good people can do evil things.
The validation that an act is evil is in the readily discernable
harm it causes, not in who did it. Finding fault with everything a
person does because he's apparently evil is a lazy way to avoid
really looking and intelligently evaluating his
actions.
Rarely does someone sit down
and say, "I think I'll do something evil today." On the other
hand, although the road to hell is sometimes paved with good
intentions, it's rare for the truly well-intentioned to do a lot
of harm before recognizing it and changing course. Of course,
apparently good intentions may mask other agendas; if someone
feels the need to say that he's doing something for another's "own
good," it likely isn't. (An exception is keeping a child safe and
healthy when she can't understand the reasons.)
Acts that do harm are most
often spawned by insensitivity, heavy-handedness, and
impulsiveness. What are known in the Michael teachings as "chief
features" or "chief obstacles" are usually involved, especially
arrogance, greed, impatience, and stubbornness. The three ordinal
chief obstacles, self-deprecation, self-destruction, and
martyrdom, are inward-directed, yet they, too, cause harm because
under their influence, we take others down with us--no one is an
island.
Most of us are dealing with one
or more of these as part of our life lessons. They are our
Achilles' heels, our primary blind spots. They are the false
beliefs that most skew our perceptions and cause us to do
self-defeating or karmic things. An impatient leader, for example,
might abort negotiations just before a breakthrough would have
occurred; his greatest fear is missing out, but through his
impatience, he (and his country) does miss out. An arrogant leader
might refuse to listen, putting himself above others, perhaps
leading to a disastrous defeat; his greatest fear is being found
wanting, but through his arrogance, he blunders badly and *is*
found wanting.
The seven obstacles have
built-in protection mechanisms that falsely convince us that
they're essential to our survival. For example, in arrogance, we
believe that if we're vulnerable, we'll die. Rather than
objectively reviewing their destructive actions, those in the
throes of their obstacles justify them. Evil's central
justification is that the end justifies the means, that doing harm
is all right if it's for a "good cause." That belief is the surest
guide to the presence of evil. In truth, what characterizes the
means also characterizes the end; brutal means create brutal ends.
The real motivation behind harming usually isn't a "good cause"
anyway, but the chief obstacle's warped survival urge.
Like blame, evil acts are
fueled by repressed anger that seeks to come out any way it can,
since holding it in is highly uncomfortable. Less-hardened anger
may erupt like a geyser, demonstrating its pressurized nature;
more-hardened anger tends to emerge in calculated ways, since it's
slowed down.
One of the world's biggest
problems is that few people know how to deal constructively with
their anger. Most of us either repress it or express it in a
violating way; few have the knowledge or inclination to express it
in a clean way when that's called for, and otherwise heal and
release it. People who inappropriately express their anger just
make others angry, who likewise act on it, and on it goes in
wobbling circles.
No doubt Saddam Hussein is a
very angry man who thinks he was avenging wrongs done to him.
Perhaps he sees the U.S. as a former ally who turned on him. But
then, Bush has also referred to Saddam as the man who tried to
kill his father, so perhaps there's an element of revenge-seeking
in him, as well. There's no end to revenge-seeking; it's an
inexorable downward spiral until everyone is dead or someone is
willing to break the cycle, saying, "The buck stops
here."
Hussein is close to what I'd
call evil, but he's still probably good in his own eyes, as most
of us are. Perhaps he thinks that his oppressive rule was
necessary for creating a strong country, his version of tough
love; the current chaos in Iraq suggests that it tends to be
unruly. According to my channeling, he's a young warrior in
dominance and power, a cynic in the moving center, with arrogance
and stubbornness. It's easy to see how the negative poles of this
profile could result in ruthlessness. If he is evil, as I've
defined it here, or close to it, why was he once considered
America's friend? Why did we help arm him? Did he change, or is he
classified as evil only now that it's convenient?
Hussein supplanted Osama bin
Laden as America's Most Wanted bad guy. Bin Laden doesn't seem to
be an evil man, but a fanatic who believes that his war against
the West is holy and justified by his understanding of scripture.
Many other evil acts have referenced scripture. The Bible has been
used to justify slavery, wars, prejudice against gays and women,
the Crusades and Inquisition, and more, so this isn't a new
problem or one limited to Islam. If an act needs justification,
it's probably not constructive.
With 9/11, bin Laden and his
minions did something that nations have been doing in war as long
as war has existed--they attacked a stronghold, a symbol of the
enemy's might, in an effort to weaken its resolve. The night
before, a friend of mine had a vision of two towers with dollar
signs on them going up in smoke; of course, he didn't know what he
was seeing. To some, the World Trade Center represented U.S.
economic imperialism. Prior to 9/11, most Americans weren't very
aware that some terrorists had, in effect, declared war on us, but
the World Trade Center had previously suffered a small attack in
1993 by bin Laden's minions, so this wasn't totally new, either.
Americans don't tend to be as well informed as we might be or
compared to other educated nations; our reliance on sound-byte
television news highlights the flashiest ("news flashes") and most
recent events, at the expense of a longer view. We forget the past
all too quickly. Like those suffering from Alzheimer's, we react
to the moment with little sense of context or
continuity.
Terrorism is simply war carried
out by groups that aren't nations; it is similar to guerrilla
warfare in that it's more chaotic and unpredictable than war
involving large armies. If our son or daughter is killed, we
probably don't care much about the technicalities of whether it
was a nation or a scattered group of religious extremists who did
it; war is war, and death is death. It also probably doesn't
matter much to us if they died on home soil or in a foreign
country. It *is* more disorienting when it's unexpected, but
warriors have always prized the element of surprise.
There are always innocent
civilian casualties in war, and it could be argued that most of
the soldiers are innocent, too: they tend to be quite young and
naive. The least innocent are the leaders who direct wars, but
even they are sometimes ignorant, duped, or brainwashed. Innocent,
guilty, or in between, the dead are still dead. We are all the
victims when it comes to war and violence, even the perpetrators:
the hate with which they consume others consumes them, too. Love
is a burning bush that is not consumed. Is it naive or irrelevant
to emphasize the importance of love in politics?
There has always been
terrorism, but not on this scale before. Until it came into the
spotlight because of 9/11, Americans counted on a certain order.
If a nation attacked us, we could attack back and defeat them.
Now, it's a world where anything can happen--the apparent security
has evaporated. People can attack, and we don't know where or how
to fight back. Insecurity and pressure mount.
Bin Laden accomplished what he
set out to do: he instilled fear in his enemy. Fear makes an enemy
more vulnerable; it causes it to act irrationally, exposing itself
to further damage. America has acted irrationally since 9/11 in
many ways. Limiting our own freedom in the name of preserving
freedom is one such way. Invading Iraq to fight terrorism when it
would obviously increase it is another. By damaging our ties to
other nations, we've left ourselves still more vulnerable. I
suspect that bin Laden has been playing us like a violin, that he
had a pretty good idea of how we'd react, and we walked right into
his trap, providing him with far more recruits than he could have
gotten on his own. Wouldn't it have nice if, instead, we had
surprised him by not taking the bait and took the high road? That
probably would have kicked the wind out of his sails.
9/11 was much more a psychic
blow than a physical one. About three thousand people were
killed--a tragedy, but not a large number as wars or catastrophes
go. About three thousand people are dying every week in the
current genocide in Sudan. The financial cost was high, but,
again, not relative to major earthquakes or wartime bombings, for
example. However, the psychic toll was huge. Most Americans,
regardless of their beliefs, experienced a shattering loss of
innocence, like a hard kick in the guts. Israelis live with the
threat of terrorism on a daily basis and therefore cope with it
relatively well, but Americans had lived in an ivory tower of
geographical safety unknown by most of the world. 9/11 knocked
down that tower as much as the Twin Towers.
9/11 proved to Americans the
existence of the collective consciousness, whether or not we
realized it. The feelings were so strong that we each felt what
the whole was feeling. Those who normally don't care much about
the news or the outside world in general suddenly felt a part of
it all. Most of us desperately wanted to do something to help, in
part to alleviate an overwhelming sense of impotence. The extreme
stress temporarily put us in touch with what Michael calls our
higher centers: we had a heightened awareness and sense of unity.
We weren't necessarily feeling our personal feelings; we were
feeling our collective feelings, which many mistook for our
personal feelings. Some of us grew from the experience, some of us
succumbed to fear, and many of us did both.
Just as the McCarthyites in the
1950s got people worried about "Reds under every bed," people are
now worried about terrorists at every mall, especially Muslim
terrorists. Never mind that since 9/11, there have been no more
attacks. Never mind that the second-largest act of terrorism in
the U.S. was by an American (in Oklahoma City). Certainly
increased security is sensible under the circumstances, but living
in constant fear is not justified or useful. These enemies don't
have the wherewithal to wage a full-on war. Americans have a far
greater chance of being killed by junk-food obesity or a car
accident than in a terrorist attack.
Those in the New York area are
especially on edge, understandably, but there's no reason to
assume that if there's another attack, it would be there. Security
efforts have focused on airports, but there's no reason to assume
that another attack would use airplanes just because 9/11 did. The
reaction to 9/11 has mostly been knee-jerk, without much real
thought. There's never been a better time to remember that the
only thing we have to fear is fear itself, or, more correctly,
that we need not live in fear at all. For one thing, it's not
helpful--it doesn't make things better; on the contrary, it
increases our danger because it clouds our thinking.
There is no way to fortify
every possible target; we cannot be safe that way. Someone bent on
doing harm can always find a way to do it. This has always been
so. That there seems to be more people today who want to do harm
than in the past suggests a breakdown in society's restraints;
long-suppressed rage is coming up, like it or not. From a
spiritual vantage point, it is coming up in order to be healed. We
could not go on forever with all this buried rage.
If a child frequently flies off
the handle in a tantrum, he may need to be restrained to prevent
him from doing damage to himself and others, but sensible adults
see it as a sign of a problem that needs attention. Maybe it's a
physical problem, something miswired in his brain, for example, or
maybe the child has been abused. In any case, no matter what the
proper specific diagnosis and treatment is, only love can heal.
Controlling a problem is better than nothing, but it isn't the
same as healing it.
Every individual has his own
issues and is responsible for dealing with them. Even a government
that were somehow a sterling example of unconditional love could
not fix everyone's problems. Still, in the long run, a loving,
generous (and pragmatic) approach on the part of government and of
all people of goodwill is the only one that stands a chance of
working.
Morality is a simple matter:
don't unnecessarily harm others. Harming others unnecessarily
creates karma, an energy imbalance that will be repaid, so it is
ultimately in our self-interest to avoid harming others.
Eventually, all souls will learn the lessons of cause and effect;
sooner is always better than later, in the sense that the sooner
we learn, the less we suffer.
Harm refers to real, objective
harm, not an offense to someone's sensibilities or a
disappointment of his expectations. The harm that some think would
occur to the institution of marriage if gays were allowed to marry
is imaginary, an abstract harm to an abstract idea. Married people
would lose nothing if others were allowed to marry. It's the same
kind of imaginary thinking that has allowed Christians down
through the ages to torture and kill perfectly nice people who
weren't hurting anyone as heretics, witches, etc. Good government
sticks to what is real and objective.
Now that it's come to light
that some of our prison guards could speak of their torture of
others with smiles on their faces (and prison abuse is much more
common than most people realize, including in our domestic
prisons), maybe we can begin to understand that evil isn't just
"over there"--it's "in here," too. A better informed populace
would also realize that American soldiers committed atrocities in
Viet Nam and in other wars as well. In fact, probably most armies
have to some degree--it's part of the nature of war; violence
easily gets out of hand. America is a decent, well-intended
nation, but not pure as the driven snow; no country is. And
self-examination isn't self-condemnation. When we truly love
ourselves, we love who we really are, and are eager to let go of
what is not true to our highest selves. We can afford to pierce
our shadows and acknowledge our errors, because they aren't who we
are. Flag-waving nationalism is defensive and divisive, different
from true love of country, which is not at anyone else's expense.
Unconditionally loving, whether ourselves or our country, accepts
our warts but also brings to them a vision of what we could be,
initiating change.
Christians strive to "hate the
sin and love the sinner." Sometimes that's a ploy to manipulate
others into subscribing to their ideas of what sin is: "We'll love
you if you denounce your evil ways," which, to some means dancing
on Sundays or masturbating. However, there is value in that
sentiment. We all sometimes do genuinely destructive things,
usually out of blindness rather than malice, usually thinking at
the time that what we're doing is right, or, at least, justified
or out of our control. That doesn't excuse the behavior, but if we
view the doers (whether ourselves or others) with love, or, at
least, neutrality, we can begin on the road to understanding. Full
understanding brings both forgiveness and the basis for dealing
with the problems in a helpful way.
BEYOND DOCTRINE
Subscribing to a set of
principles, whether political, scientific, or spiritual, can give
us a framework, a starting point for looking at the world.
However, if we view them in a literal, narrow way, as rigid
absolutes, they can block insights and obscure the real world.
Doctrine can be way to avoid the hard work of engaging with how
things are and thinking in fresh, perceptive ways about them. It
can leave no room for discussion, resulting in stalemates. Being
dogmatic about any issue prevents finding win-win
solutions.
By definition, doctrines are
generalities. They only come to life and have meaning when applied
to real-world situations, but real world situations tend to defy
easy generalities. The more specific we are in our discussions,
getting down to cases, the more chance there is that we'll
transcend our doctrines and find some common ground with others
who don't subscribe to them. We may be able to agree on solutions
that emphasize different principles to us. For example,
conservative supporters of states' rights may be able to agree
with gay activists that a constitutional amendment banning gay
marriage is a bad idea, but be looking at it through different
philosophical frameworks. The more we can stick with the question
of whether something in particular is helpful, the more likely we
are to build consensus.
Doctrine should not be mistaken
for truth; a doctrine is a set of ideas about truth that is
subject to human limitations, whereas truth itself is not. Our
loyalty is rightly to truth, not to doctrine.
An example of doctrine on the
left is the attitude toward Social Security that makes it a sacred
cow, so that Democratic politicians aren't willing to even discuss
the possibility of further raising the retirement age (it's
already slated to rise to age 67 in 2027) or making it needs-based
in order to save it from bankruptcy. Part of it is the fear that
voters would tar and feather them, but if there's a problem, it
would be better to face it now. The population is aging, with
relatively fewer people paying into it, so something's got to
give: there either has to be more funds or fewer benefits.
An example of doctrine on the
right is the belief in the efficacy of tax cuts. Taking it to its
logical conclusion, there would be no taxes. That sounds great
until one starts dealing with the reality of no services.
Sometimes, tax cuts help, and sometimes, they hurt. The question
is, What would bring the best result in this particular situation?
Would a tax cut bring us to a higher overall good, or lower?
Execution is always a key; in this case, which taxes should be cut
or raised, and how?
We need all the sound
information and creative ideas we can get. Ideology can only take
us so far; blindly adhered to, it tends to make us ignore what's
really happening as a result of policies in favor of what we think
should be happening. We need to stay grounded and not stuck in our
heads. We especially need objective knowledge about what has
worked well in the past and what hasn't, to give us a basis, along
with vision and intuition, for figuring out what choices might
lead to the best possible future.
Ultimately, no matter who is in
charge, a country (or any other collective entity) makes those
choices collectively, in consciousness. We process the
information, mainly unconsciously but consciously, too, to some
degree, and decide what kind of future we want. Eventually, the
government follows (sometimes kicking and squealing). If we're
going to have a better future, the left and right must work
together in a spirit of cooperation and respect. "Come, let us
reason together." Until we do, we'll keep veering back and forth
on screeching tires, one administration seeking to undo what the
previous one did, instead of moving forward.
Fear induces rigidity (We say
that someone is "rigid with fear.") and there is often fear behind
rigid doctrine. Those who hold the doctrine of tax cuts tend to
fear that liberals want to take away their money and therefore
their financial freedom. They imagine that liberals love high
taxes and big, inefficient government, which is a fear-engendered
exaggeration. It's true that Democrats tend to fund more social
programs, but Republicans tend to fund the military
more.
Many Republicans imagine that
they're for fiscal responsibility, and Democrats want to spend
irresponsibly. Yet, as has been often pointed out, the biggest
deficits in U.S. history were run up under Reagan and the current
Bush, and we had a balanced budget under Clinton. The stereotypes
may have once been more true--in past generations, Democrats
funded some expensive social experiments; some worked, some
didn't--but most are more fiscally cautious now.
Most of us on both the left and
right are trying to find the balance between necessary spending
and reasonable taxes, although we each have a different idea of
what is necessary and reasonable. One has to wonder if the
politicians who still accuse Democrats of being "tax and spend"
really know that that's not fair and just use that smear to try to
inflame voters and gain political points.
Some on the right would like to
eliminate social programs altogether. The apparent simplicity of
it is appealing, but the results might be far from simple or
utopian; life has not been so wonderful for most people throughout
history when governments did little to help. Certainly some
programs such as those designed to fight poverty have not worked
well and, in some cases, have helped perpetuate problems. However,
characterizing all government as bad is vastly simplistic; like
most things, it can also be a force for good. It can level the
playing field in a way that no other institution can, and it's the
only one that can stand up to large corporations, which are in
danger of usurping government altogether.
No one likes excessive
bureaucracy and rules. The art of government is in true
pragmatism, finding what works the best and helps the most, and
eliminating the dead wood. Social programs that increase the
prosperity and well-being of the populace are in the best
interests of the rich in the long run--they create more customers.
Again, we're all in this together. Most people today would not
accept a government that did nothing to help them, so that's not
on the table.
Government certainly can become
ridiculously rule-bound and full of red tape, but so can private
bureaucracy. Medicare has actually been shown to be far more
efficient than private health insurance companies. All
bureaucracies can benefit from a strong dose of objectivity and
common sense. Perhaps we could have volunteer citizen oversight
boards for every governmental entity, to which people can
challenge rules and procedures. Checks and balances are a key to
democracy, and balance is a key to all things. Too small or too
little is as bad as too big or too much, in government and
everything else; like Goldilocks, we're in search of "just right."
Rigid doctrine tends to overshoot the "just right" point. There is
bound to be disagreement about where the "just right" point is,
but it won't be found arbitrarily, because some doctrine says so.
It takes careful observation to adjust a balance. Indiscriminate
slashing of programs or anything else can be damaging. If some
programs aren't working well, maybe they can be improved rather
than throwing out the baby with the bathwater.
It's wise to create incentives
for initiative and encourage people to pull themselves up by their
bootstraps, but it's not always that easy. Sometimes people have
problems or bad luck beyond their control, and it's in no one's
interest to simply let them starve on the streets. Reagan's cuts
of mental health funding unleashed a torrent of homelessness and
other social ills that cost us far more than just taking care of
those who needed help. Private charities can't handle it all, and
there is no particular advantage to simply shifting costs from one
governmental level, such as the federal government, to another,
such as the local level.
In general, most conservatives
today accept the necessity of programs that would have appalled
conservatives a few generations ago: the baseline keeps moving up.
Today, for example, the argument isn't about eliminating Social
Security, but about allowing individuals to control part of its
investment. (Some would love to eliminate it, but most know that
that's not going to happen.) So conservatism is relative to the
status quo of the day; for most, it's not an absolute. The further
right, the further back they would like to turn the clock, but
most only want to go back so far. In spite of the drag that
excessive conservatism creates, in the long run society does
progress.
FREEDOM
Both right and left often
believe that it alone stands for freedom and the American way.
However, the left tends to emphasize freedom of personal conduct,
and the right, a lack of government interference with money and
property. Many right-wingers, especially the fundamentalist
Christians, think it's perfectly fine for the government to
regulate consensual adult sexual conduct or abortions, for
example. Still, some abhor such interference, particularly
Libertarians. In any case, if we transcend doctrine, we can see
that most of us want freedom--we just define it
differently.
One kind of freedom comes from
a void, having little government of any kind, like the old Wild
West; a problem is that in such an environment, the strong prey on
the weak, so although the strong feel free, the weak don't.
Another kind of freedom is being given the tools to prosper, such
as education and loans, that might otherwise only be available to
the rich.
Our Founding Fathers considered
banning corporations because of the way they shield owners from
risk or responsibility; if corporations lose money, the owners
aren't liable beyond their investment--their personal assets
remain intact. Corporations are, by design, mindless, soulless
machines motivated only by profit. They may have value as
efficient ways of delivering goods and services, but they are
rightly the slaves of society, not the masters.
If an individual poisons
someone's well, he can go to jail, but generally, when
corporations poison the environment, no one goes to jail; if
prosecuted at all, corporations typically pay a fine that is a
fraction of its profits. Fines aren't seen as a punishment but as
a cost of doing business. If more CEOs went to jail, there would
be less corporate wrong-doing.
Most individuals have no
bargaining power with corporations--it's not a level playing
field. Only government can keep them in line. Just as we need a
separation of church and state, we need a separation of
corporation and state. Yet some mistakenly equate personal freedom
with freedom for corporations to do whatever they want to. Without
the responsibilities of individuals, they are not entitled to the
rights. The more "freedom" (license, actually) given to
corporations, the less freedom individuals have. Excessive or
convoluted corporate regulation isn't helpful, but there needs to
be enough oversight to protect the rights of individuals and
maintain a level playing field. Few corporations will voluntarily
reduce its pollution, for example; only government regulation will
reduce pollution.
The goal of good government is
to find the sweet spot where we have the maximum possible
individual freedom on all fronts and policies that do the most
possible good for the least possible cost (of all
kinds).
An example of the dilemma we
face is zoning, which every community solves differently. One end
of the spectrum is the idea that property owners should be able to
do anything they wish with their property. The other end gives
total control to the community. A junk-filled yard is an eyesore
that affects other people's property values and can breed vermin.
One could argue that if neighbors don't like it, they can move,
but why should they have to? On the other hand, people should be
able to express their individuality in a way that isn't
necessarily pleasing to everyone else. In some cases, a win-win
compromise might be a tall fence, but finding what gives all
parties a fair balance of freedom is not always easy.
Seatbelt laws for adults are an
unnecessary infringement on our rights--wearing one or not doesn't
directly affect others. Still, seatbelts are highly effective in
saving lives. The most enlightened approach might be to use
creative public service announcements that address people's
objections to them. Imposing penalties is an old-paradigm,
government-as-parent approach. If we wish to have the freedom of
mature adults, our government can't play the role of parent,
policing our actions when they don't affect others. It's like
parents telling their grown children what to do. However,
government can be useful as an educator and catalyst without
infringing on our right to choose.
A common argument supporting
seatbelt laws--that we collectively pick up the bill for
unnecessary medical care and accident clean-up--is true but weak.
Indirect costs, or the perceived good of the whole, can justify
all sorts of repressive laws that cost people precious freedoms.
Although the right not to wear a seatbelt is a minor freedom, to
be a truly free society, it's better to err a little on the side
of too much individual freedom rather than too little.
If someone wants to take drugs,
it's his body and his business; throwing him in prison for that is
far worse than any ill effects that might accrue to society. Plus,
as we've painfully seen again and again, prohibitions don't work.
All addictions cost society, but if freedom is worth the trillions
of dollars we spend on the military, surely it's worth any added
costs that real freedom brings. If we truly value freedom, we
can't try to dictate what other people do with their body.
Government *can* offer education and health care for those who
have a substance abuse problem and want help. That would be an
example of increasing people's choices rather than reducing them,
which, in Michael's term, is "good work."
Trying to trade liberty for
security is folly: it can't be done; with less liberty, we're less
secure. Not only do we have to worry about violations from
terrorists, which aren't necessarily reduced, but we also have to
worry about violations from our own government, without the
protection of due process. It's a Faustian deal with the devil.
And totally unnecessary. Intelligence agencies that are truly
intelligent and resourceful don't need unethical shortcuts. We've
seen again and again that without checks and balances, people's
rights are abused.
CO-CREATING OUR
FUTURE
We can't move productively into
the future and leave half the country behind. Liberals wish that
the conservatives would somehow just go away, and conservatives
wish that about the liberals, but no one is going away. Human
history is the sad record of those in power trying to eliminate
their shadowy opposites, and despite the misery and destruction
this has caused, it has never been successful.
We all basically want the same
things. There's at least a grain of truth in most points of view.
Respecting other people's views increases the chances that they'll
respect ours.
Putting down others is unloving
and doesn't help. We don't have to make others "less than"
(ultimately, less than human) and make ourselves "more than" in
order to bring change--we can be centered in the truth and let the
facts speak for themselves. Even when we feel that someone's
actions have been harmful, we can express anger without
denigrating him as a person. If we come from our heart and see him
as a fellow human being, we can look him in the eye and speak our
truth in a compassionate way.
The truth is genuinely fair and
balanced; each valid point receives its due. The truth has a
settled, peaceful feel about it. A charged, contentious atmosphere
isn't conducive to developing a fair and balanced
picture.
When we hear what we consider
to be falsehoods and start to feel angry, it's a good idea not to
take the bait and become triggered--that is a common trap that
perpetuates divisiveness. It's not easy to remain centered yet
strong in relationship to a corrosive person in attack mode, but
it's a major growth opportunity. We can remind ourselves that
we're all here on the physical plane doing our thing, working
through our issues singly and together. People who attack have
their own path of learning and karma, and we don't necessarily
have to engage with it. We all have distortions, and see things
subjectively to some degree. We're each entitled to our views, and
don't need to react to someone else's.
People who are ranting are not
open-minded and there's no point in talking with them in that
state. They are in the throes of fear, whether it manifests
aggressively or passively, and fear plugs our ears and covers our
eyes. Countering fear-based rhetoric with more of the same just
raises the volume. There's also no point in explaining to them
that they're acting from fear, because they wouldn't be able to
see their state after they've stepped out of it.
However, there are people of
goodwill on both sides capable of listening and sharing reasoned
arguments. Our task is to offer whatever light we have, letting
others do with it as they will and refusing to participate in
mudslinging and stereotyping.
So, fellow granola-eating
tree-hugging Bush-hating big-government peaceniks, let us offer
love and light to Republicans. For how can we love trees and hate
Bushes? Let us go to our nearest country club or boardroom and
give warm, lingering hugs to some rich, white, middle-aged,
imperialistic, exploitative, war-mongering males--they need love,
too. Or, better yet, smack wet, juicy, same-sex tongue kisses on
some uptight, hypocritical homophobes. When we spread love to
others, we feel so much better ourselves!
Just kidding.
We seek to live in
unconditional love and truth because that is the only thing that
allows us to be who we are. It's not about other people; it
doesn't matter what others do with it or think about it--we cannot
exclude love from any being without diminishing ourselves. The sun
would have to stop shining to exclude anything. We each inevitably
see things differently than others do, but we don't have to stop
letting energy circulate among us, no more than we need to stop
breathing, in the presence of someone with whom we disagree. We
love because love is who we are.
---
Copyright 2004 by Shepherd
Hoodwin
SHEPHERD HOODWIN has been
channeling since 1986, and specializes in the fascinating Michael
teachings. He also does Intuitive Readings and leads
workshops.
He is the author of The
Journey of Your Soul--A Channel Explores Channeling and the
Michael Teachings, Meditations for Self-Discovery--Guided
Journeys for Communicating with Your Inner Self, and Loving
from Your Soul--Creating Powerful Relationships.
Shepherd is running for
President on the Cabbage Party Ticket. Support Cabbage in
'04!
ORDER FORM | HOME
PAGE | TOP OF PAGE
